Author: Jennifer Vogel

  • Nancy Crampton

    Some people become authors because they are of the exact opposite temperament from a movie star. Putting on a clean shirt can, in itself, be a chore; putting on a pressed one is out of the question. Author photos, then, are the art of making these schlubs and misanthropes look believable, wise, and even a touch mysterious. Nancy Crampton, who for thirty-five years has shot the likes of Norman Mailer, Gabriel García Márquez, Ian McEwan, and Lorrie Moore for New York’s Unterberg Poetry Center, is particularly astute at portraying warmth and piquancy, without making authors look like someone other than themselves. She will discuss her book, Writers: Photographs, a collection of more than one hundred duotones, at the library, where her photos will be on display. RSVP required. 612-630-6155; www.friendsofmpl.org

  • DIY Law Enforcement

    Citizen’s arrest is no joke, as fans of The Andy Griffith Show can attest. In a memorable 1963 episode, Barney Fife issued Gomer Pyle a ticket for making an illegal U-turn, and then, as Fife was wont to do, began philosophizing. “It’s from little misdemeanors that major felonies grow,” Fife said, adding that even citizens have the responsibility to stop crime. “You’ll be a better man,” he told Pyle, “if you try to think of us all working together for a common cause.” At that, Fife left the scene, making a U-turn himself. That’s when Pyle ran after him, yelling, “Citizen’s ar-ray-est! Citizen’s ar-ray-est!”

    It may come as a surprise that, in the Twin Cities, regular people issue citizen’s arrests all the time. Statistics are hard to come by—both the Minneapolis and St. Paul police departments threw up their hands—but it’s pretty safe to say that there are hundreds in the metropolitan area each year. The bulk of these citations are issued by “loss-prevention” officers, store staff who skulk after shoplifters. The rest, around a quarter of the total, are made by the public at large, usually for minor offenses such as littering, open bottle, and public urination.

    Minnesota has a rather generous citizen’s arrest law. It affords a private person the right to arrest another for any misdemeanor or felony committed in their presence, and for felonies not committed in their presence (amateur felony busts are extremely rare). If the target flees, the citizen may engage in a hot pursuit. “For that purpose,” says the law, “the pursuer may break open any door or window of a dwelling house if … the pursuer is refused admittance.”

    The right of one person to arrest another dates back to medieval England, when sheriffs encouraged people to make their own collars. Tom Walsh, the St. Paul Police Department’s Public Information Coordinator and an officer for thirty years, is very much in favor of the practice. “There is always the element of, ‘I don’t want to get involved,’” he said. “Police departments like to see people held accountable for their actions. We are in favor of citizen’s arrest. It works.”

    Such arrests are made by organizations like the Guardian Angels. According to Minneapolis chapter spokesperson Alice Splawn, her group is learning about the statute in anticipation of a brand-new effort: riding city buses at night in hopes of quelling violent crime. “Our plan,” Splawn said, “is if there is a weapon, we would have somebody notify the driver immediately so he could stop the bus. We are not there to get shot or knifed, but we would try to detain the individual until help arrives. That would be citizen’s arrest, because we are not allowing them to leave.”

    “This is a great tool that is grossly overlooked by citizens,” said Minneapolis police officer Mike Killebrew, who last year championed an effort to restrict pedestrian traffic in the city’s alleyways. “The police can only do so much and citizens have to pick up the slack.” Before attempting to pick up the slack, however, there are a few sticky matters to consider. First, by statute, you must inform your target why you are arresting them and “require the person to submit.” Then, the arrestee must be delivered to a judge or peace officer “without unnecessary delay.”

    In the likely case that the target doesn’t wish to be arrested, Walsh explained that “you may use force sufficient to detain that person until they can be turned over to law enforcement.” The key is to keep your cool. Don’t go overboard, he advises, lest you find yourself “on the dark side of a lawsuit or in a physical altercation you can’t win. You have to be sure that the amount of force you’re applying fits a misdemeanor crime.” He added, “You can’t use deadly force.”

    If a situation gets too contentious, don’t make the arrest. “I’m not suggesting that you walk away,” Walsh said. “On the contrary. I’m suggesting that you call the police. Walking away in my view is not a satisfactory option.” Get a good description of the individual, and a license plate number. Follow them if you can, preferably while filming with a digital camera. Killebrew heartily concurred: “You don’t want your mouth to write a check that your body can’t cover.”

    Once the police arrive, you will be asked to complete a form explaining the arrest and stating that you will testify under oath. Making an ill-advised citizen’s arrest—or causing one to go wildly awry—can lead to civil and even criminal penalties. There are laws against assault, false imprisonment, and impersonating an officer. It is not recommended, for example, that you read anyone a Miranda warning, even if you’ve seen it done on television. “You are not a police officer,” said Walsh. “You are not required to give Miranda, nor can you allow a person to waive their rights.” Finally, whatever you do, do not wear a blue outfit with a hat and badge.

  • Pimp My E-Ride

    John Herou isn’t your typical electric-car ideologue. The founder of e-ride Industries possesses a bright strain of idealism to be sure, but fundamentally he’s a practical man, an inventor and classic car buff, more entrepreneur than tree hugger. The cars he builds, called neighborhood electric vehicles because by law they can go only twenty-five miles per hour and drive on streets with commensurate speed limits, are distinctly Minnesotan. While more common designs tend toward the futuristic, usually resembling a bubble or a jellybean, e-ride’s EXV2 and EXV4 look like small SUVs. They feature rugged tires, optional chrome hubs, plenty of cargo room, abundant panels of shiny aluminum diamond plate, and, of all things, a high payload capacity.

    In fact, if you care to know, Herou’s primary vehicle is a gas-powered Ford F-250 truck. “My dad was a chiropractor in Milaca,” said the sixty-three-year-old Princeton native, wearing khaki pants and a tucked-in shirt. He is somewhat tight-lipped and bashful. “And I was in the electrical industry here for about thirty-five years. I thought it would be fun to build an old replica of a 1932 Ford Roadster for the kids. That’s how it all started.”

    A passerby turned into Herou’s home driveway one day and offered to buy the electric Roadster. Right then, he saw that there was a market for his invention. His first electric cars were golf carts designed to look like classics from the 1930s. They were elegant and upscale, with chrome headlights, baby moon hubcaps, and solid oak drink holders and sweater baskets. He sold them to wealthy people all over the globe, including one to the king of Morocco and four to the Abu Dhabi Golf Club. The slogan was, "For the fun-loving perfectionist who loves a good ride." The description could just as aptly apply to Herou.

    His cars, which come in vivid primary colors, are sturdy, meticulously designed, and also entirely reflective of Herou’s particular tastes. We hopped into a white two-seater EXV2 outside the e-ride offices in Princeton. The car was comfortable, with the pared-down feel of a Jeep Wrangler. Its nine eight-volt deep-cycle batteries, which are stashed in a compartment between the seats, are enough to keep the car moving for fifty-five miles between charges; they also power various accoutrements, such as a horn, windshield wipers, and an optional stereo and heater.

    Herou could hardly wait for me to turn the key. When I did, there was a mere click and a disconcerting silence, as though I’d switched on a toaster. He assured me that the car was indeed running. Then, I made his day by fumbling for the nonexistent gear shifter. “You were reaching for the stick shift,” he said, obviously delighted. With one finger, he flipped a toggle switch on the dash from forward to reverse. Now, I just hit the ga… I mean accelerator? I asked, robbing Herou of an opportunity for further delight. The car moved easily, the only sound being the whine of turning wheels.

    Proponents of electric vehicles like to point out that some of the first cars in America were battery powered and that in the late 1800s, these cars held many of the land-speed and distance records. Through various actions by the oil and auto industries—some call them conspiracies—electric cars were phased out. Then, after a successful experiment in California in the 1990s, recounted in the documentary Who Killed the Electric Car?, they were phased out again. It’s been difficult to build a sustained and cohesive electric-car movement, explained Lee Hart, an engineer and member of the Minnesota Electric Auto Association, a group formed just last year. “If you are interested in electric cars you are an iconoclast,” he said. “We’re like farmers. We’ll trade technical information on how to do things. But when it comes to political action, it goes nowhere. We don’t lobby. We don’t have lawyers.”

    Hart, who can talk for the better part of an hour about battery technology, is on his fourth electric car, a 1980 Renault he converted himself by the curb in front of his house. The car, which is powered by a dozen “plain old lead acid batteries,” was “intended as a short-range vehicle, a get-me-to-work car. I only needed a range of thirty miles or so.” Yet this self-proclaimed evangelist, like other electric-car pioneers toiling away out there, has big plans. He intends to build a vehicle that may go three hundred miles on a single charge. It’s a version of a model designed in the late 1990s called the Sunrise. If all goes well, he will sell the car as a kit—thus avoiding various federal regulations—that the average person could assemble with bolts and a wrench.

    Hardcore enthusiasts sometimes refer to neighborhood electric vehicles or NEVs, a category of automobile created in 1998 by the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, as “glorified golf carts.” But they don’t necessarily mean that disparagingly. “John is doing great work,” Hart said. The problem, if you ask him, rests with the various state legislatures, which have limited the cars to twenty-five miles per hour. “They’ve restricted them to where they can’t be used.”

    More than forty states allow NEVs on public roadways. Minnesota passed its law just last year, thanks to a bill sponsored by Senator Paul Koering. Of e-ride, he said, “They asked me to come over and tour the factory and I was so impressed. They look like little Hummers. I want one!” According to Koering, the legislation generated very little opposition. In fact, at some point the state may offer a tax credit toward the purchase of an electric vehicle (supplementing federal credits). “I’ve gotta tell you, with the new members of the legislature,” he said, “the tone that I’m hearing, people are on the environmental bandwagon. I feel like the pendulum has swung. People are getting more excited about this every day, and rightfully so. None of us are happy with the war in Iraq and we want to see less dependence on foreign oil so we can say to the Middle East, Take your oil and gas and shove it.”

    Indeed, it was after the World Trade Center attacks and the attendant stock-market disaster that Herou’s golf-cart business dried up. “Nobody from overseas was buying anything at that time,” he explained. And so in 2003, with gas prices on the rise, he turned his efforts to electric cars. It was a logical progression. “About eighty-five percent of what we sold had never seen a golf course, anyway,” Herou said, referring to their use in retirement and other planned communities. “Plus, people wanted larger vehicles that would go farther and carry more.”

  • The Doctor is In

    Kevin Turnquist, a psychiatrist for more than twenty years, currently cares for some of the most seriously ill patients in the Hennepin County public mental health system. The good doctor, who specializes in schizophrenia, has pretty much seen it all—such as the woman who believes that during sleep she grows extra limbs that are clandestinely harvested for Wendy’s. If that sounds outlandish, consider a recent study suggesting that one in two Americans will suffer a mental illness at some point in their lives. Nowhere does that feel truer than here in the North, where winter is widely regarded as the season of mental apocalypse. We caught up with Turnquist to discuss the reasons we crash and burn.

    Why do people get depressed, or is that a ridiculously simplistic question?
    That’s a great question because it goes along with the idea that there is a single cause of depression, which my profession and especially the drug companies would like to perpetuate. There are all kinds of depression. Some people react to loss. Some people react to day length. But one commonality that seems to go across all the types is hippocampal atrophy.

    The hippocampus seems to thrive on new memories and experiences. Should people take more vacations?
    I think everybody should take more vacations! The Australians and people like that who get six weeks to two months every year, they seem to be happier people than us.

    Which produces more endorphins, good sex or good food?
    If you’re starving you might get an endorphin release from food. But there is this hierarchy of needs and I think most people would vote for the good sex.

    How well do psychiatrists understand the human brain?
    We don’t. We’ve learned a lot in the last ten to fifteen years, but look at how that’s translated into action. If you see five different psychiatrists, and you have a mental problem, you are likely to get five different diagnoses. Fortunately it doesn’t make much difference because whatever diagnosis you get, you are likely to get the same hodgepodge of medications regardless: an antipsychotic, a mood stabilizer, an antidepressant, a minor tranquilizer. It’s fair to say that we don’t know what causes any mental disorders and we don’t know how any of our medications actually work.

    Yet sometimes they do work.
    Well, the bath of surprise worked, too! Where people would be led down this walkway and fall through a trapdoor blindfolded into icy water. Almost anything will work if you induce the expectation of change.

    What’s so bad about antidepressants?
    The new ones seem to decrease the intensity of the connection between what you think about and what you feel. It’s been likened to turning the brightness knob on your TV all the way up. So everything kind of looks the same. And you don’t really feel that bad or worried about anything, but on the other hand, nothing touches you in the way that it normally would.

    Should the emphasis be on therapy instead?
    I think that in the next ten or twenty years, the research will show that good psychotherapy produces genuine brain changes. I don’t want to put you in the position of having to explain amygdala versus hippocampus.

    I appreciate that.
    But as you start to use brain structures, the pathways become reinforced. If you are exposed to any stimulus for ninety minutes, your brain starts to build new synapses to accommodate this. We start to form new symbols, because we construct our reality with symbols, for self and other. I’ve always thought one of the key elements of good therapy is being in the presence of someone who can tolerate you for who you are, and then starting to identify with that attitude.

    Why don’t we understand the brain better?
    It’s so complex. We’ve taken a very reductionistic approach, which works for other organs, like the liver. But the brain doesn’t yield to that sort of thing because there is brain and then there is mind.

    How would you define brain versus mind?
    Oh, I wouldn’t.

    In what ways are we mentally similar to our primate cousins, chimpanzees?
    Sex and aggression are the two basic drives. You watch humans on the freeway and interacting with each other and we’re no different than apes fighting over who is going to sit on the sunny rock.

    And the main difference between us and them?
    They’re shorter.

    How do we fare mentally in Minnesota?
    When you look at statistics, we kind of fall in the middle in terms of mental health. I do think there is something to this latitude and seasonal affective disorder. I think for some of us it tends to make us much more unstable than we would be otherwise. I use a light box every morning, during the winter anyway.

    Are northern people more neurotic than those from other parts of the world?
    I’ve never seen any studies on it, but intuitively I think there is something to it. If you are living close to the equator and the weather is always pretty much the same, you don’t have this winter to prepare for every year. You might not develop the same brain structures that you do if you are living somewhere where you are looking at six months of cold and dark. And the parts of the brain that are involved, frontal lobe structures, allow us to say, “What might happen?” “How can I prepare for what might happen?” As soon as you start to really grow those structures, you can think of all sorts of terrible things that might happen. I’m really good at it. I can think of a million terrible things that may happen in the next minute.

    I guess we have “spring mania” to look forward to, the rejoinder to seasonal affective disorder.
    Right. The classic example is Vincent van Gogh. His wild stuff was done in the spring with brilliantly intense colors, and in the fall he tended to cut off body parts.

  • “Look at me—I’m OK.”

    Once upon a time, say fifteen years ago, portraits of chief executive officers had much in common with oil paintings of George Washington or Robert E. Lee. There was a man (they were pretty much all men), shot from a slightly low angle so as to amplify his stateliness and power, with his hand on a chair or maybe a globe. Sometimes he smiled, but not too broadly. After all, running a company was a grave matter.
    These days, however, it’s not unusual to open a business magazine or an annual report and find a CEO reclining on a patch of grass with a football, or wading waist-deep in a lake. They are posed nuzzling cows or other barnyard animals or buried up to their necks in breakfast cereal. New to these photos are shiny open grins, expressions that seem to say: “You can trust me with a suitcase nuke—but I also might put a whoopee cushion on your chair.”
    This more playful and quirky style of portraiture is partly a result of the overall loosening of corporate culture as baby boomers have moved into the top ranks. Perhaps having difficulty reconciling past protests against The Man with their current status as The Man, these business titans wear jeans to work and pal around with their underlings, sometimes with David Brent-like results. Self-effacement in a CEO is now a highly valued quality. Sara Jorde, a Minneapolis photographer who has been shooting CEOs for twenty years, has witnessed the shift to this new mindset. “One thing I’ve noticed is that CEOs are often eating in the lunchrooms with their employees,” she said. “Maybe not at the same tables, but in the same lunchrooms, as opposed to being out having their bourbon and steak. I’ve seen CEOs of really big companies in the break room with their Tupperware. They know everyone’s names. It’s the Nike generation moving into positions of power.”
    Yet there also are more complex forces at work behind modern corporate photography, as anyone familiar with the work of Leni Riefenstahl, who managed to make Hitler appear statuesque, might suspect. Eric Guthey and Brad Jackson, professors at the Copenhagen Business School, are some of the rare academics studying CEO imagery. In a recent article titled, “CEO Portraits and the Authenticity Paradox,” they noted how, as companies become more diffuse, it becomes more difficult to portray them visually. “This poses a problem,” they wrote, “ … because visible presence has functioned as a traditionally accepted prerequisite for authenticity … This quest for corporate presence, visibility and authenticity helps explain the proliferation of photographs of top management figures, who often come to represent their organizations not just in a managerial sense, but also in an iconic one.” In other words, the CEO serves as the face of an otherwise faceless entity; at his best, he is a warm and likeable personality set out in front of a sprawling, impersonal, and, if you believe the most ardent critics, psychopathic corporation.
    In that regard, CEOs have had a tough time of it lately, as companies like Enron and Halliburton have become synonymous with corruption. Back in the 1990s, during the tech boom, the American public was largely pro-corporate and looking to privatize everything from the postal service to public schools. Now, we watch the rise and fall of companies and their superstar CEOs—players like Ken Lay, Carly Fiorina, and Martha Stewart—almost as a spectator sport. It hasn’t helped public opinion that the average CEO’s salary is approximately four hundred times that of the average blue-collar worker. Not surprisingly, a 2002 CBS News poll found that only one in four Americans believes most corporate executives to be honest.
    It’s easy to surmise, then, that as esteem for big business has declined, big business has become more determined to put on a friendly face. A lot goes into creating these dynamic images: What should the executive wear? Should she put on goggles and hold a welder? Which company products should appear in the background? “I think people want to portray more personality and let people see a little bit more of who they are,” said Jorde of her clients, “but still maintain a level of dignity and professionalism about their image. They want to be seen as confident but not cocky, and also approachable.” A corporate photographer in Britain put it more bluntly on his website: “Do you look slick, shifty, or vacant? Or a mix of all three? It’s time to move on … Your corporate portrait should say: Look at me—I’m OK.”
    Guthey and Jackson argue that CEOs suffer from identity issues just as their corporations do, thanks to “downsizing, outsourcing, the stripping away of productive functions, and the governance of corporate activity through increasingly fluid networks.” Thus “authenticity” is a notion currently making its way through the corporate world, the same as “teambuilding” and “thinking outside the box” once did. It’s become a movement, a way to quantify the existential crises that are bound to occur among those at the helm of unwieldy enterprises. Gurus of the ideology describe authentic leadership as continuing to do “real work” with one’s life, “telling it like it is,” and “treating people, especially the disadvantaged, with love and dignity.” The concern that one may not be authentic seems like a distinctly modern problem, one that likely never occurred to Washington or Grant, or even Cyrus West Field, founder of the Atlantic Telegraph Company who was, in fact, photographed in 1858 looking stately and powerful with his hand on a globe.
    One of Jorde’s most illustrative photos portrays three men, the top executives of local Tiro Industries (formerly Lamaur, manufacturers of such once-famous hair products as Apple Pectin shampoo and Style hairspray). The trio sits in old-fashioned salon chairs, black plastic ponchos over their white shirts, with globe hairdryers on their heads and goofy grins. To get such unusual shots, Jorde strives to make her clients feel comfortable, a decidedly simpler task these days. That may mean ditching a CEO’s personal assistant, or sharing an embarrassing life story. “If you can establish that connection, no matter how small it is, people trust you and let their guard down and they are willing to give you something.”
    These more wacky CEO portraits further the perception of the executive as a creative type, as an unbridled optimist—and even as the guy or gal next door. Just as we’re encouraged to vote for the presidential candidate we’d like to have a beer with, it’s assumed that we may buy a computer or car based on our affinity for a particular CEO. Images of Steve Jobs often show the co-founder and head of Apple dressed in casual genius apparel: jeans and a T-shirt, usually black. Sometimes he’s sitting cross-legged on a floor, a pose no doubt appealing to Apple users, who consider themselves less corporate than PC loyalists. Jobs is the ultimate CEO superstar, sometimes called “Apple’s showman nonpareil” and a “master magician.” His image has served the company well. However, when he was questioned in January in relation to stock irregularities, analysts began to worry that Apple’s value could plummet, especially if Jobs should ever be shown in another, increasingly familiar CEO pose: head down and hands cuffed. Such is the risk that comes with building a corporate identity around one man, even one who “seems at times to defy gravity.”
    Corporate heads are framed differently depending on the success or failure of their companies, according to Minneapolis photographer Doug Knutson, who has been shooting executives for two decades. “Things are cyclical,” he said. “In a bad year, they want to look more serious, and more focused on their job.” In such images they’ll stare directly at the camera, the idea being that they are “looking the investor in the eye, facing up to the company’s circumstances, or the challenges of the industry. Other years they want to show how dynamic they are so they aren’t looking at the camera. Maybe they’re looking off or talking to someone.”
    Whatever the message, Knutson added, the CEO wants to appear sincere. “That’s why some of these places hire me,” he said. “I’ve got a style of getting people warm and comfortable with the camera.” Knutson, who is a fan of Yousuf Karsh, the man who famously photographed Winston Churchill for the cover of Life magazine, was one of the last photographers to shoot Bill McGuire, the former head of UnitedHealth Group. “Shortly after I took that picture, he started getting more attention for his income, and he got camera shy.” In the photo, McGuire is standing next to a glass door, his image reflecting back at him. He’s wearing a traditional suit-and-tie uniform, and also a slight smile. The photo is shot from above, the opposite of the traditional power angle, but Knutson said there was no message in that. “The photo was not intended to be looking down on him; it was intended to make a fascinating composition, including the geometry of the floor,” he said. “When the pictures succeed best, they are aesthetic commerce. They may not be art, but they are fulfilling a communication purpose.”

  • Bacchanalian Bedware

    If you visit the P.M. Bedroom Gallery in Blaine or Woodbury, you might run into Jim Borofka, co-owner of the stores and one of the last waterbed salesmen in the Twin Cities. The showrooms at HOM, for example, don’t feature waterbeds, though the store was once called the Waterbed Room. Borofka accuses HOM of “disconnecting” itself from its history, of disavowing its former cash cow. But P.M. Bedroom also changed its name a few years back, from P.M. Waterbed, in order to expand its market, update its image, and, especially, to minimize what Borofka calls the waterbed “stigma.”

    Nothing conjures the decadent 1970s quite like the waterbed. Firm in the mind is the image of a giant, free-flowing bladder of a mattress undulating to the rhythms of Sly & the Family Stone, vulnerable to both hoop earrings and spiked heels. People picture mirrors on the ceiling, mustaches, and smears of Gentle Emotion Lotion. Borofka says that occasionally a customer will call and say, “‘Do you have waterbeds?’ And I say yes. And they say, ‘Are you sure?’”

    And then he goes on to explain that waterbeds are not what they used to be. Designs have improved since that first “pleasure pit,” invented by San Francisco State University student Charles Hall. The problems of old have been mitigated: Interior fibers or compartments slow water flow; most modern incarnations are “soft-sided,” meaning that water pouches are encased in foam, and resemble standard mattresses. This makes for a bed that’s resistant to punctures, but still offers what waterbed enthusiasts list as health benefits, including body-molded support, constant warmth to aid sleeping, and a lack of dust, mites, and other allergens. “We can sell a soft side and, fifteen years from now, that person is still sleeping on the same surface,” Borofka said. “It wears very well.”

    Borofka has slumbered on a waterbed for decades, ever since leaving his family’s Wisconsin dairy farm to attend college in Eau Claire. “I drove to school in my dad’s old truck and one of the first things I did was pick up a hard-sided waterbed. I thought, ‘I’m really getting somewhere now.’” Borofka desired something new and exciting, a way to express his independence. “Everyone who purchases an adjustable air bed nowadays, that type of clientele purchased waterbeds back then. They were curious people into new things, new technologies, not afraid to push the edge.”

    Who buys them now, I had to wonder. Borofka, who sells around seven waterbeds per week, said they mainly go to “people who think, ‘We got a good night’s sleep on a waterbed, we don’t care what the neighbors say.’” He’ll gladly sell a customer whatever type of bed she wants—spring, foam, air, water. But, he confided, “In a bar over a beer, I would say the waterbed is the best bed.” —Jennifer Vogel

  • Sized Up

    This was the first interview I’d ever conducted with my shirt off. Standing before me in the mirrored pink closet was my subject: Lonnie Eiden, a nattily clad woman of supreme confidence, a professional bra fitter for forty years. “I think I’m a 34C,” I offered, playing right into her hands.

    “Let’s see what you’ve got,” she said. She looked me over with the keen eye of a physician. And then came the assessment: “Oh, sweetheart.”

    “Am I wrong?”

    “We’re going to start with a D, a 34D. Boy, I’m going to see a D on you.”

    I grew up believing that C is the ideal cup size, having heard it once on television or something. Undoubtedly, it was a meaningless distinction, sort of like the old claim that a long middle toe connotes royalty. Still, I believed that a woman’s breast should perfectly fill a martini glass. It shouldn’t clog a margarita tumbler. This notion, apparently, had led me to make a very common mistake, which is choosing bras that are too small. “Part of it is that there is a mental illusion about cup size,” said Eiden. “The minute you get to D or double D, people think huge and that’s not true. Cup size really doesn’t mean anything because we can make a person look much smaller in the right cup size.”

    A too-small bra causes chest flesh to bunch up and shoulders to roll forward, warned Eiden, a stickler on matters of posture. “There isn’t room for the breast tissue in the cup, and then you start this process of bending over and you look heavier. Your breasts hang down and you lose that waist.” To compensate for undersized cups, she said, women often purchase bras with bands that are too large. These enormous bands ride too high in back, which leads to the snowman effect, something otherwise known as “back fat.”

    The best a bra can do, according to Eiden, who was trained at an actual bra-fitting school in Minneapolis, is provide a woman with “breasts of stone.” Such stationary breasts, she said, can be had only after a professional fitting. “I just dread it when I see an article about how to measure because I know that in the next two months we’re going to be flooded with people who say, ‘I know what I am and don’t tell me that I’m not.’”

    With Eiden’s estimable guidance, I strapped myself into the D-cup model. I fastened it with the snaps at my back, rather than connecting it in front and spinning it around. I leaned forward before snapping, so that my breasts fell into the cups. “Now what is the step three you forgot?” Eiden asked. Dutifully, I bent at the waist and shook, sending every smidge of chest flesh forward. Then I stood upright and looked in the mirror, newly sculpted, with cleavage like a smile. —Jennifer Vogel

  • The Long Walk

    A year ago, I made a trip to Copenhagen, which is arguably one of the most walkable cities on the planet. Despite the presence of real winter—it was snowy and around twenty-five degrees while I was there—the streets were full of people walking, to shops and parks and jobs, as well as to and from the extensive, easy-to-use subway system. Downtown Copenhagen looked like an enormous, ongoing street festival, much of it having been designated pedestrian-only. People roamed on foot and on bikes, dressed in fur boots and vests and giant hats (Viking fashion is very big in Copenhagen). Street vendors sold vegetables, flowers, and disconcertingly blazing-red hot dogs that were nonetheless delicious.

    Coming from Minneapolis, I found this spectacle quite inspiring. There it was, February, and I was witness to genuine, thriving street life. The benefits were readily visible. The Danes, who wash down lunches of pâté, cheese, and hard-boiled eggs doused in cream sauce with glasses of beer and akvavit, happily trundled along, fit as fiddles, nary a one of them morbidly obese. Even puffed up in furry outfits, they looked slim.

    Gung ho and rosy cheeked, I returned home vowing to follow the Danish example. I had been as guilty as anyone of hopping into the car to drive three blocks for a carton of half-and-half. Walking, I thought, would make me healthier and happier, and at the least lessen the cumulative impact of all that half-and-half. This alien habit of putting one foot in front of the other just couldn’t be a mere matter of geography. After all, our weather isn’t much more extreme than Copenhagen’s. The average temperature in January, Minneapolis’ coldest month, is twelve degrees—nothing a fleece dickey can’t handle. The average in July, our hottest month, is seventy-four.

    Yet, while the typical Copenhagener is willing to walk a mile or more to get where she is going, for Americans “the general research is that most people will not walk more than two blocks,” said Judith Martin. She is director of the University of Minnesota’s urban studies program and chair of the Minneapolis Planning Commission, as well as an avid hoofer herself. “Everybody here has a car. Even everybody who lives downtown has a car.”

    Determined to stretch my tolerance level beyond two blocks, to eight or nine blocks, a mile even, and with the image of those slender Danes in the back of my mind, I began walking. Just about every day in the past year, I’ve put on comfortable shoes, with no regard for style, and gone where I needed to go. I walked to the local grocery, hiked downtown for dinner or shopping, and trekked from Northeast to the warehouse district for work. Granted, my employer doesn’t impose a dress code—well, I think we have to be dressed—so I was free to show up in tennis shoes, a little dewy under the arms.

    What did I find, after a year of strolling the curiously gum-free streets and sidewalks of my home city? Walking is easy. Minneapolis is not.

     

    Copenhagen wasn’t always the calf-sculpting city it is today. In fact, it used to be a lot like Minneapolis, loaded with parking lots and overrun by cars, a place where people squeezed by each other on skinny sidewalks, choking on exhaust. Then, in 1962, the city’s main drag, Strøget, was converted to a pedestrian walkway, with no cars allowed. It was an experiment, and was greeted as such. People were skeptical. Local papers proclaimed, “We are Danes, not Italians.” Sounding a lot like Minnesotans, they stated, “Using public space is contrary to Nordic mentality.” Nevertheless, the new Strøget was an immediate, resounding success. The street filled with people, and has been heavily trafficked since.

    Led by renowned Danish architect and urban designer Jan Gehl, the city converted more streets in the following years. And then, gradually, over the course of several decades, it added a series of public plazas, usually by tearing up parking lots. The changes were gradual, so as to be absorbed without much disruption. People adapted and shifted their mode of transport from autos to mass transit or bikes—or walking. Gehl gained the cooperation of lawmakers by conducting studies and presenting statistics that proved walking’s many benefits. Not only is it a cheap, quiet, and environmentally friendly way to get around, but it offers financial perks too. Pedestrians are generally less destination oriented than drivers. They window shop, so they spend more money. Eventually, nearly a square mile of Copenhagen’s center was car-restricted. Gehl called it “taking back” the streets, which is quite different than the American version, which involves the occasional neighborhood barbecue and lots of dialing of the police.

    The idea underpinning Copenhagen’s transformation is an optimistic one. It dictates that squares and streets—public spaces—can be whatever people want or need them to be. They are flexible, open to interpretation; activities occurring there are not predetermined, but allowed to organically evolve. Cars were replaced by café tables, concerts, festivals, markets, even the occasional juggler. “First life, then spaces, then buildings,” Gehl has said. “The other way around never works.”

    Gehl’s way has worked wonderfully. At all hours, Copenhagen is lit up and active. Due to the predominance of old buildings, and because new development tends to be human in scale, the city’s core is lined with small, interesting storefronts. There are endless restaurants and shops in which to sit or browse. Because it’s a place where people want to be, Copenhagen has succeeded in getting those people out of their cars. According to recent statistics, eighty percent of city-center traffic is by foot; fourteen percent is by bicycle. Gehl, a font of philosophical interpretations, parses cities into four categories: the “traditional city,” where there always have been good walking routes, markets, and the like; the “invaded city,” which used to be pedestrian friendly, but is now car dominated; the “abandoned city,” where pedestrians have given up entirely; and the “reconquered city,” which is where he places Copenhagen. Just try to guess in which category Minneapolis fits.

    On the first day of my walking regimen, I slipped into hiking boots and filled a backpack with various work papers and skin lubricants. It was March, so nobody was outside. Nobody who wasn’t in a car, that is. A recent survey asked Minneapolis residents to list their primary mode of transportation; seventy-four percent travel by car, sixteen percent by bus. Only two percent listed each bicycling and walking. That’s not so surprising when you consider other city statistics, which show that the total number of “vehicle miles traveled” increased 129 percent between 1970 and 1990, and that since the 1950s, more than five hundred miles of highway have been constructed in the metropolitan area.

    I marched along the sidewalk on Marshall Street Northeast, as cars spit up beads of gravel like BBs. I crossed littered sidewalks, closed sidewalks, unshoveled sidewalks. At the foot of the Broadway Avenue bridge, which has to be one of the most unpleasant in the Twin Cities, I was stopped in my tracks by a driver idling in a crosswalk. Of course, he was looking the other way. The backs of drivers’ heads are now very familiar to me, but in those days, as a new walker, the experience was fresh. “Hey!” I yelled, to no avail. The streets of Minneapolis can be lonely and infuriating for those on foot, but blaming local drivers for not noticing pedestrians is akin to blaming Africans for not knowing all the words for snow.

    As I headed into downtown, I found my route blocked by The Landings, an enormous suburban-style condominium development that runs along West River Parkway. I picked my way through a labyrinth of winding sidewalks designed to look private (and maybe they are), parking lots, and all manner of fencing. The few gates that would allow passage were so cleverly disguised that I had to squint to detect them.

    That was not at all what the city envisioned back in 1996, when it unveiled “Downtown Minneapolis 2010: Continuing the Vision into the 21st Century”—the planning document that is still the most current for downtown. The idea was to “guide development” in order to create a city “that is constantly alive and filled with people.” One goal of the plan was to eliminate the barriers separating downtown proper from the riverfront, the area’s only significant stretch of green, because “open space serves as a recreational and visual amenity, and its presence lends identity, value and focus to an area.” Unfortunately, in the case of The Landings, as so often happens, the interests of private developers and homeowners overwhelmed those of the public. Currently, in the mile between Plymouth and Hennepin Avenues, only Fourth Avenue connects the warehouse district to the Mississippi River.

    In fact, it feels as if the whole of our downtown has been constructed to suit developers and businesspeople more so than ordinary citizens. The various “uses” within the city center are grouped into districts, with very little continuity between them: There’s an entertainment district, a theater district, an office district, a retail district, a sex-business district, and, at least until the recent spate of condo building began mixing things up, residential districts. This sort of development, akin to the design of department stores, is thought to boost sales by grouping like businesses together. But it leaves us with a fragmented, patchwork-style downtown, where various blocks are in use only during certain hours of the day or night.

    This approach to planning is the reason a person can walk along West River Parkway north of Plymouth Avenue with no path or sidewalk or benches or landscaping to speak of—and then abruptly, simply by crossing one street, enter into an urban wonderland where all of these amenities exist (and, not coincidentally, enhance the value of rows of fancy townhomes). A city, ideally, should be more fluid than ours. It should encourage movement to and through all of its parts.

    Minneapolis also has a tendency to favor large-scale, all-in-one development projects over intricate, more organic design plans. Megaprojects are generally more profitable for developers, and less complicated for the city. Therefore, our downtown has become a veritable museum of shopping-mall development. Take your pick: City Center, Gaviidae Common, the IDS Crystal Court, Block E, the Conservatory (R.I.P.). City planners will argue that their preferences are changing, but the difference appears strictly cosmetic. Block E might have a varied facade and several entrances, but that doesn’t make it any less a mall. “Almost all cities have a tendency to go for these megaprojects,” said Margaret Crawford, a Harvard professor of urban design and planning theory, in an interview back when Block E was still a gleam in its developer’s eye. “And it changes the very nature of the city. Instead of being fine grained and having surprises, it turns out to be a big chunk with virtually no surprises.”

     

    Several weeks ago, Mayor R.T. Rybak held a “Great City Forum” in order to express his goal of “reweaving the urban fabric” of Minneapolis, connecting neighborhoods, green spaces, transit, and other amenities. “I’m very interested in improving the pedestrian experience so that we can create excitement just in walking down the street,” he was quoted as saying in the Downtown Journal. Perhaps his most ambitious goal is to re-make Washington Avenue as “our next grand boulevard … a grand experience connecting the University, Downtown, the North Loop and all the cultural experiences along it.”

    Unfortunately for Rybak, mayoral power within Minneapolis’ government is weak compared with that of other cities, making it difficult to accomplish such expansive, long-term goals. Here, the power rests mostly with the City Council and agencies like the Minneapolis Park and Recreation Board. One council member may see the logic in improving the city’s approach to urban planning, another may not: stalemate. The slow, methodical transformation of Copenhagen happened because Gehl lobbied for, and stood guard over, his vision for decades. The greening of Chicago—including the creation of downtown’s vast new Millennium Park—was possible only because Mayor Richard Daley, now in his fifth term, possessed the commitment, and the power, to make it happen.

    A vision similar to Rybak’s was detailed back in 1996, when Sharon Sayles Belton was in office and Minneapolis was cooking up its 2010 plan, which called for a city center that “is pedestrian oriented, public in character, and rich in experience.” This goal was presented in various ways, but included “a high quality system of parks, plazas, and tree lined streets”—specifically, a public plaza along Hennepin Avenue—and “a vastly improved transit system,” along with more inviting street-level commercial design. How is it that a decade later, just four years from 2010, hardly any of these goals have been met?

    Martin nailed it on the head when she said, “A plan is a theoretical document until there is a development proposal that can make something happen.” In other words, because developers have not approached the city, hats in hand and briefcases full of financial schemes, the plan has mostly collected dust. Of course, even if its goals aren’t realized, documents like the downtown plan do serve at least to draw attention to problems. “The 2010 plan was very much about trying to reorient the perspective about downtown,” Martin pointed out, “in the sense of saying … why do we have to have the street be this completely unpleasant, really hostile environment?”

    By summer, I had figured out a route to downtown that didn’t include crossing the Broadway bridge. I cut through private property and walked over a train trestle where only a few of the boards were rotting through, and the “No Trespassing” sign had been obliterated by graffiti. Several times, though, I had to dash into the bushes to avoid being caught by police. One day, I was too slow. “What part of no trespassing don’t you understand?” the sweating, crew-cutted railroad cop asked. He threatened me with a fine and even jail time, but didn’t make an arrest. In fact, he didn’t even bother to get out of his SUV.

    The river’s edge was no longer abandoned. All of the joggers had run gleefully out the doors of the gyms where they’d been holed up for winter and paraded onto the waterfront, and even onto the barren sidewalks of downtown proper. At lunchtime, workers soaked up much-needed vitamin D; downtown’s benches filled quickly, leaving people to perch on the edges of planters. Some were lucky enough to land tables at the smattering of outdoor cafes along Nicollet Mall, where the only unpleasantness shoots from the tailpipes of passing buses.

    Many have wondered indignantly why we must have buses on the most pedestrian-friendly street in all of downtown Minneapolis. Martin’s answer: “We don’t have to have them. I think the only reason for buses on Nicollet Mall is habit. And retailers tend to be very nervous when stuff isn’t going by their front doors.” Of course, the city experimented, quite successfully, with re-routing buses for several hours in the evenings last summer; there were no logistical catastrophes, nor did the street’s commerce crash. In fact, several Nicollet restaurants requested that the change be made permanent, and round-the-clock, from May to September.

    This is one of many easy, no-frills, low-cost changes that would make downtown vastly more pleasant for walkers. Rather than waiting for a grand development plan—and a deep-pocketed developer to implement it—the city could, as in Copenhagen, make gradual changes. It could convert a single one-way street into a two-way, slowing traffic. And if that proved successful, it could then convert more. It could plant additional curbside trees for shade and wind protection. After all, as the 2010 plan notes, “Dollar for dollar, street trees are probably the best design investment downtown can make.”

    For a city that prides itself on livability, especially one that maintains an extensive park system, including the much heralded and Keebleresque-sounding “Grand Rounds,” it’s puzzling, this reluctance to beautify downtown. Aside from the river and Loring Park, there is almost no greenspace anywhere. It’s another symptom of the way planners have divided things up. In recent history, downtown hasn’t been a neighborhood where great numbers of people live (only since 2000 has the population swelled to thirty thousand, from either nine thousand or twenty thousand, depending on whom you ask), but rather a place where business is conducted, end of story. Therefore it didn’t need parks.

    Recently, UnitedHealth CEO Bill McGuire offered to build a 7.5-acre park just east of the new Guthrie Theater, along the river. If he gets his way—and likely he will, since he’s offering to design it and also pay for its building and maintenance; an alluring package for the city—the park will feature trails and hundreds of trees. “There is a history of Minneapolis having these spaces,” he said, “and I think this vision’s been a bit lost, to be polite.”

    Yet, McGuire’s park wouldn’t fix the center of downtown, where there are plazas scattered here and there, but only one significant patch of public grass, at a place called Cancer Survivors Park, on Nicollet and Washington Avenues. One sunny afternoon, I set out to eat lunch there and found it befuddling to say the least. Part of a national chain of similar well-intentioned memorials, the space is not so much a park as it is a reminder of mortality under the guise of inspiration. The grass is tiered, perfectly trimmed, and rarely trod upon. Instead, the occasional visitor is encouraged to navigate the “Positive Mental Attitude Walk,” a cement sidewalk that skirts the borders of the grass. It’s lined with illuminated metal plaques bearing such messages as, “Cancer is the most curable of all chronic diseases” and “There are treatments for every type of cancer.”

    Determined to eat my sandwich, I sat down on a bench that happened to directly face a stone wall. I looked up and noticed an engraving, the face of a woman who had died. Next to her image were the words, “I am here.” I zipped up my backpack and went home.

     

    Of course, Minneapolis had the opportunity to build a great park or town square on the site of the Block E entertainment complex, current home to chains like Applebee’s and the Hard Rock Cafe. The space was vacant for more than a decade after the city tore down a block’s worth of viable small businesses, so there was plenty of time to contemplate what to do with it. Occupying an iconic spot in downtown—some would call it the heart of the city—Block E was up for grabs. In the mid-nineties, a group called FORECAST Public Artworks proposed turning it into a plaza, an open and malleable place for exhibits, outdoor movies, ice skating, festivals, and so forth.

    A public plaza would have fit right in with the city’s desire to be more people-friendly, if you believe the 2010 plan, which recommends just such a place “in the Entertainment District to provide a focus, amenity and a location for outdoor performances for the surrounding theaters, Target Center and other entertainment destinations.”

    What we got instead was another mall. “There was just no way Block E was ever going to be a public square,” Martin explained. “There was just too much public money into it. And the city needed to get its money back.” Again, civic interests were sold out to the developer with the slickest presentation, and now Block E stands as a monument to Minneapolis’ ongoing failure of imagination, its inability to conceive of downtown as anything other than a place being abandoned for (and in direct competition with) the suburbs. It’s curious that so many Americans who grew up cruising malls flock to places like Copenhagen, Paris, Madrid, and Oaxaca for their vacations. It’s as if the thriving public life in these cities is a fantasy, something rare and impractical, nothing that could take root here.

    That mindset explains, at least in part, why our urban center feels like no place at all. It has come to resemble a sieve. Surrounded by a ribbon of freeway, it’s rife with on and off ramps, enormous boxes of parking stalls, and streets that funnel motor vehicles in and out as quickly as possible.

    With downtown’s streets designed with autos in mind, it’s little wonder that pedestrians turn to the skyways, even when the weather couldn’t be more perfect for an outdoor stroll. The attraction can’t be the skyways themselves—carpeted, climate-controlled tubes, lined mostly with chain stores and take-out joints. While Minneapolis continues to take pride in its extensive network, other cities, like Cincinnati, Dallas, and Hartford, Connecticut, have renounced their skyways (or skywalks, or sky bridges). Partly, that’s due to the fact that they draw people and commercial business off the streets, and a city without street life isn’t much of a city. “If I could take a cement mixer and pour cement in and clog up the tunnels, I would do it today,” Dallas mayor Laura Miller said recently. “It was the worst urban-planning decision that Dallas has ever made.”

    Martin was dubious about the potential for a skyway backlash in Minneapolis. “I haven’t heard anybody talk about getting rid of the skyways,” she said. Forcing people onto the streets, making them walk around in the snow and heat like in the olden days, to her thinking, seems punitive. “If people have no alternative, then sure they will be out on the street. But it’s a little prescriptive, you know?” Once, skyways must have seemed like a futuristic dream. Now, ironically, getting people back onto the sidewalks is the crazy idea.

    One warm fall day, I set out to go from one end of downtown to the other using only skyways. I passed through the US Bank Plaza, One Financial Plaza, the Northstar Center, the Wells Fargo Center, and wound up in the all-but-abandoned City Center—not just disoriented, but thoroughly depressed. I made for the ground floor of City Center and stepped out onto Hennepin Avenue, with its scraggly, non-shade-producing trees and scattered benches. The wind blew bits of paper along the sidewalk, past giant empty storefronts that used to house the Olive Garden and TGI Friday’s and Snyders Drug Store.

    Besides the allure of development dollars, part of the attraction of malls and skyways over civic squares and public sidewalks is their perceived safety. There are various ways to address the problem of street crime. One approach says that more people on the sidewalk makes for a safer sidewalk. Crowds and street-level stores and cafes leave fewer dark corners in which scoundrels can hide. But the more popular approach seems to be to forsake the street in favor of fortresses with parking ramps attached. Even the progressive-sounding 2010 plan spoke in contradictory terms on the issue of safety, touting the value of “street level” commerce while repeatedly praising the “secure and convenient” malls of the suburbs. Much of what the city has done planning-wise, whether carving up downtown into districts, building miles of skyways, or throwing up mall after parking ramp after mall, may in fact have made the streets more dangerous.

    “There is a lot of concern about security and safety,” said Martin, “so you create these environments that are read by the middle-class people who use them as secure and safe and then it’s OK. Is that the best way in which to build a city? I’m not so sure.” Martin supposes that the recent influx of downtown condo residents may spark development on a smaller, more flexible, more human scale. The city’s newest residents tend to be on the prosperous side, thus they have political clout. Already, two grocery stores are going in. Perhaps parks and other amenities will follow.

     

    I told myself it was just snowing outside, but in fact, there was a blizzard. Shortly after starting out for work, I realized that my boots were too short for the accumulated snow, made deeper by plow overflow from the street. I returned home and changed. Tough going it was indeed, like walking through sand. Onward I struggled, bundled up, quite alone, pointed into the snow that glanced off my eyeballs like tiny shards of glass.

    The common misperception is that winter is the worst season for walking. Yet—early sunsets and the occasional ten-below-zero spell aside—winter is actually quiet, pretty, and cool enough to keep a pedestrian from overheating. There I was, crossing the bridge and peacefully crunching snow, maybe too much snow actually, when I spotted another walker headed toward me. Slowly, we came together in the whiteness. “Nice weather,” I said. “It sucks,” he retorted. That was the extent of the exchange. Except that after our passing I was able to step in his tracks and he, I presume, in mine.

    It occurred to me that it shouldn’t be so hard to be a pedestrian. If Minneapolis had a decent transportation system, I wouldn’t have had to walk two miles in the blowing snow. Or cruise slippery streets in a car, either. In the early 1930s, the golden age of Twin City Rapid Transit, our system boasted 530 miles of track and more than one thousand streetcars—a network so extensive that it was said at the time that no Minneapolis resident lived more than three blocks from a station. Those figures indicate that our train system was once as good as, or maybe even better than, the one Copenhagen has now. But, along with rail in other American cities, Twin City Rapid Transit was unceremoniously dismantled in the forties and fifties. And now, through budget cuts and related fare hikes, the bus system is being undone as well.

    When asked whether Minneapolis could regain its designation as a place where both mass transit and pedestrians thrive, a place akin to Copenhagen or Chicago or even New York, Martin was quick to point out differences in culture. Sure, mindsets can change, she said, but “it’s a slow process … I don’t think there is anything that’s going to give you a crowded street at six o’clock on a January evening.” That seems a bit resigned, considering that thousands of people gather along Nicollet Mall during the Christmas season to watch a series of Holidazzle parades. If there are reasons for people to come downtown—festivals, concerts, and so forth—they will come.

    Of course, crowds flocking to a Broadway show or ball game don’t in and of themselves constitute thriving street life. For that, you need commuters on foot, shoppers, residents—all kinds of people walking regularly, if not daily, from here to there. Martin was willing to concede that downtown’s outdoor culture would be enhanced by increased bus and train service. “If transportation was improved,” she said, “it would put more people on the street. For sure.”

    Interestingly, usage of the Hiawatha light rail line has been greater than expected, averaging more than twenty-six thousand riders each weekday. That’s a strong case for more of the same. Like Strøget, that first pedestrian street in Copenhagen, light rail’s Route 55 has been warmly embraced. If transit is provided, people here clearly are happy to use it.

    By 7:00 in the evening, I’d finished a couple of after-work shots of Jameson at a downtown pub. The snow had ceased, leaving everything covered in a beautiful, pristine blanket of white—except for the sidewalks, which, thankfully, had been plowed. I crossed the Hennepin Avenue bridge, giving myself the necessary extra time to reach my destination. I considered the various small ways in which I’d adjusted to accommodate walking, and also the many wonders of Handi Wipes. It all seemed effortless now, natural even. My experiment was largely finished, but still my car sat at home in the parking lot, one of its tires slowly going flat.

    Once over the river, in Northeast, I gazed back at Minneapolis’s sparkling downtown, stunning against the starry night. A train passed beneath a nearby bridge, slowly gliding toward the skyline, no doubt carrying coal or some other commodity. If those tracks carried people, I thought, maybe I wouldn’t have been standing by myself.

  • Health

    Back a long time ago, in the olden days of the last century, we all knew how to respond to a set of enormous fake breasts. We stared. We muttered, “Oh my Lordy.” It was new then, and comical in a grotesque, medically questionable kind of way. Pamela Anderson was nothing if not an absurdity, a fifteen-year-old boy’s dream girl blown up to comic-book proportions. Dolly Parton, at least, had the sense to make fun of her extreme, and extremely lucrative, implanted bosom. “I was the first woman to burn my bra,” she once said, in her girly southern lilt. “It took the fire department four days to put it out.”

    Now, things are much different. You can’t go anywhere without encountering boobs that’ve been inflated, a face that’s been peeled, or a butt on the back end of a tuck. In 2004, according to the American Society for Aesthetic Plastic Surgery, nearly twelve million men and women succumbed to various elective “procedures.” Almost a half million had liposuction. More than 300,000 had their breasts enlarged. Hundreds of thousands more had their eyelids chopped and their noses sculpted. People now walk around with Pete Postlethwaite-sized cheek implants, snipped ears, hair plugs, fraudulent six packs, and lips that look to be melting. It appears that we’ve overcome the aversion to purchasing what nature didn’t, or would never in a million years, provide.

    The question arises, then, as we teeter on the brink of total plastic surgery acceptance: How should the casual observer respond to these sudden changes in the people we know and sometimes love? Because even though Americans are going under the knife in record numbers, we innocent bystanders still seem required to pretend as though nothing’s happened. (It’s no coincidence that teenage girls often ask for breast implants before heading to college, where a new crowd will be none the wiser.) We’re supposed to keep our wrinkly, thin-lipped yaps shut when a once-craggy face suddenly appears taut as the blanket on an army cot, when B cups miraculously turn into double Ds, springing forth from a cocktail dress like beach balls bobbing in a swimming pool.

    There are bodily changes we’re meant to acknowledge, even admire. Like tattoos and purple hairdye jobs. But then, an alteration as dramatic as a new nose is supposed to pass without comment. Perhaps it’s part of our growing collective belief in fantasy, the fuzzing line between truth and fiction, our willingness to be complicit in enormous lies. Spider-Man really can leap from building to building, Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction, and this is definitely my original butt.

    Conventional wisdom dictates that we wait for those who’ve had plastic surgery to mention it first, to indicate whether the enhancement is intended to be noticed. But that seems ridiculously tactful, not unlike the way you’d treat someone with cancer or a mental illness. It certainly would be a relief if the conversational climate were more open, more breezy. Then a person could come right out and ask whether there are crunching noises during rhinoplasty. We could ask if, as plastic surgeons like to suggest, a man with calf implants truly feels like a butterfly released from a cocoon. How refreshing it would be to stop merely observing the sped-up, tilt-a-whirl evolution of the race, and say, “You know, the cleft in your new chin looks like a tiny butt.”—Jennifer Vogel

  • Missed Manners

    The room was smaller than I would have liked. And there were no tables to stand behind and very few chairs. I was on an upper floor of the Cosmopolitan Club in Manhattan, celebrating the eightieth birthday of my husband’s father, the lights of the surrounding buildings twinkling through the windows as the bow-tied and velvet-draped guests poured in. Soon there were more than forty men and women in this compartment, most of them over sixty, all of them standing and talking, sipping cocktails, performing with ease an age-old ritual known as mingling.

    I’m generally not a “greatest generation” person, but I couldn’t help but notice that these people knew exactly how to behave at a mixer. There never was anyone standing nervously and alone in the corner, pretending to read the fine print on a napkin. Nobody fell down. Nobody cried. Smiling guests approached, hands outstretched in confident greeting, a sparkling tidbit of information at the ready. My father-in-law is an accomplished author and also was a writer for CBS for thirty years, so the conversations tended toward the journalistic. There had been a presidential speech that afternoon, providing endless fodder for this group of lefties. Andy Rooney, who is almost exactly as you’d imagine, spoke amiably with a portly gentleman about whether Bush had put on a good show. When the man walked away, Rooney waved over a friend and asked, “Who was that who’s gotten so big I can’t recognize him anymore?”

    So, two important arrows to have in your cocktail party quiver: interesting information about the outside world, as opposed to the latest on that uncle in prison, and also the skill and grace to make others feel comfortable, even if that means pretending at familiarity. Keeping a conversation going—with talk that is neither frivolous nor grave—is paramount. That’s where things often fall apart with my friends. I come from a generation raised on quick-cut commercials for everything from cereal to tampons, electric billboards, headphones, and home theaters. It’s always easier if there is a band on stage to stare at, or a movie. In those settings, socializing is restricted to snarky, mumbled one-liners and face-making in the shadows. My friends and I practically invented “social anxiety.” Among these comfortable old-guard New Yorkers, consummate adults at ease with nothing to look at but each other, I felt like a person in a state of arrested development. My attention span was roughly that of a seventh grader.

    I headed to the bar for a stiff drink, an ancient tactic that has carried over nicely to modern times. A few slugs and back out into the room I went. Several guests had been briefed on my background. It kept coming up that my mother lives in the same town where the actress Jean Seberg was born. Had I thought ahead, had I known what to expect, I would have Googled Seberg and marked all the details—that she’d stood up for civil rights and against the Vietnam War and had been accused by J. Edgar Hoover of carrying a Black Panther’s baby. I would have known that she’d miscarried and, in a ballsy, tragic move, presented her dead white child at a press conference. I would have known that she herself had been found dead several years later, in a car in suburban Paris. An impressive chatterbox I would have been, indeed. Instead, I said, “Are you kidding? I love old movies!” mildly insulting the retiree to whom I was speaking.

    Oh well, I thought, any minute and I’ll be face to face with someone new. That’s another fascinating aspect of accomplished socializing, the moving toward and away from conversations as though entering and exiting a freeway. Deftly, a man might say, “That’s just great. John will get a kick out of that. I think I’ll find him and tell him about it.” There are very few stutters or hesitations. There is no feeling that you’ve been interminably captured by someone boring, that a ransom note is forthcoming. Of course, this constant rotating of people requires a knack for remembering names, because decorum requires a final round of handshaking at the end of the evening, during which everyone explains how nice it’s been to meet everyone else.

    The temperature in the room was on the rise. I’d had a few more cocktails and eaten more than my share of the smoked salmon and puff pastry appetizers. I’d chatted with just about everyone there was to chat with, occasionally breaking the rule against lingering. And then my own dear husband bade me to step out onto the balcony. The air outside was crisp and fresh, the skyline stunning. Looking around, I noticed that there were others leaning against the railing, also not talking. It was surely no coincidence that they all looked to be under forty.—Jennifer Vogel