Tag: northern minnesota

  • No. 1 Hard

    Square in the middle of North Dakota is a town called Heaton. At this point, though, it may be an exaggeration to call it a town. It’s more of a boneyard with town-like aspects. The main street has an abandoned bank and gift shop, both with broken-out windows. A piece of a “B” rests on an awning over an entrance, like an autumn leaf or a discarded toenail clipping. The sidewalks that are left have been splintered by fierce, brushy weeds. And the surrounding blocks of once-tidy houses stand vacant, leaning and creaking, their paint long gone, the weather having had its way with the wood. As seventy-three-year-old Myrtle Hawks, one of the few remaining residents of Heaton, will tell you, “It’s like living in the country, only it’s not.”

    Hawks is the spokesperson and de facto mayor of Heaton. No election was necessary. Once a town of four hundred people, built along the Northern Pacific railroad, time has shrunk the place to near nothingness, just as the sun desiccates a puddle. Nobody happens by anymore. The trains have stopped rolling through. Most days, it’s just Myrtle, her daughter, her grandson, and his five kids. Hawks doesn’t seem to mind. “We can do our own thing,” she explained, matter-of-factly, her hands shoved deep into the pockets of her blue jeans. Hawks has an exceedingly direct manner, in the way of people who’ve seen a lot, maybe too much. Her stories usually end on tragicomic notes. “We can yell and scream all we want and we don’t have to worry about the neighbors complaining,” she said, letting out a dry laugh and brushing a lock of gray hair from her bright eyes. “And I can run around in my nightclothes if I want.” She lowered her voice: “Sometimes I wear my nightclothes all day long.”

    Of course, there are downsides to living in a ghost town. Occasionally, strangers shack up in one of the abandoned buildings and Hawks has to run them off. It takes forever for the police to arrive. Around Heaton, it takes quite a while for anyone to get anywhere; the only decent grocery store requires more than an hour’s drive. “But that’s just North Dakota,” Hawks said, with a wave of her hand. By far, the most trying aspect of life in Heaton is the weather, the legendary broiling heat and the metal-shattering cold. “One winter seven or eight years ago,” Hawks began, “there was so much snow and ice that the van over there was covered except for the lights on top.” She pointed toward a blue 1970s conversion van. “We didn’t have power for more than one hundred hours. My husband was alive then. We used candles and cooked on a barbecue grill with briquettes. We melted snow for water and used that to flush the toilet. I told my grandkids, ‘Now you get a sample of how I lived when I was a kid.’” The children, she said, didn’t fully appreciate the history lesson.

  • Local Legends

     

    I’ve always liked to talk to people, especially strangers. I also like to drive the roads outside the commercial net of the interstates, the state highways and neglected county roads that still take you right into towns that can feel either forsaken or impossibly wholesome, and sometimes both at the same time. On such roads, particularly in Minnesota, the moment you leave the city limits of one place you can often see the familiar rural navigational landmarks—steeples, grain elevators, and water towers—of the next little town rising from the flat prairie and farm fields.

    I’ve been doing this sort of thing—driving back roads and being generally nosy—since I first learned to drive. In those days an automobile was a form of real salvation, a means of escaping my own suffocating hometown and discovering that there was another world out there, full of interesting people and places. My own town—Austin, Minnesota—was a decent, easy place to grow up, but held limited charms for restless adolescents. Real, fascinating weirdness of the sort I craved seemed to get driven underground, if not right out of town. (I still remember a short-lived head shop downtown called, if I’m not mistaken, either the Soviet Embassy or the Soviet Revolution.) When I started driving, I was looking for novelty as much as freedom; I suppose, for me, the two have always gone hand in hand. Going somewhere else was also liberating in the sense that it allowed me to escape the pigeonhole of identity that seems to be the inevitable byproduct of living in a small town; being freed of the feeling of being wholly known and classified permitted me to be myself and also to try on some of the other identities I was playing around with at the time. People in other towns, it seemed to me, were less wary, perhaps precisely because I was a stranger. Like lots of folks everywhere, they were vulnerable to the flattery and curiosity of interlopers, and I discovered that even towns that were virtually carbon copies of Austin were teeming with odd characters and people with interesting stories they were more than happy to share.

    Once upon a time, for instance, on one such utterly aimless ramble, I met a woman who appeared on the old television game show Let’s Make a Deal. This is a strange thing to be haunted by, as I have been, for so many years. Yet that woman, and her story—her account, I remember, was made up of many colorful strands leading up to her few, fleeting moments of minor celebrity—of that one day on which she unexpectedly found herself standing face to face with Monty Hall in a television studio in California, has stayed with me ever since I first met her.

    That random encounter had been exactly the right sort of magic I have come to associate with and expect from traveling. I’ve met many other people out in the sticks with similarly interesting stories, and I’ve stumbled across people who’ve done extraordinary things, and who have made the places they live more colorful or virtuous. To me, these sorts of people have always been more interesting and three-dimensional than the bona fide celebrities or dignitaries that occupy so much space in the national consciousness.

    A few weeks ago, I got the old compulsion again. I thought if I just got in my car and drove in any direction I would turn up living legends and amiable eccentrics in every town along the road. It would be like shooting fish in a barrel. Talking to a friend about this idea, he said, “Oh, hell yeah, just pull up to the curb, grab the first person you see, and they’ll have a story to tell or they’ll point you in the direction of someone who does.”

    The truth was, I was restless, and I thought that if I could just get out from under the city and outside my old autopilot orbits for a week or two I might clear my head, or at the very least meet some interesting or inspiring people.

    With this idea in mind, I decided to hit the road to see how many of these sorts of colorful characters I could bump into in the small towns of outstate Minnesota. Before I left, a coworker and I worked the phones, after basically jabbing our fingers randomly at a map of the state. We were calling local city offices or chambers of commerce, so I wasn’t terribly disappointed when we failed to turn up much in the way of what I thought I was looking for—there were some interesting folks whose exploits belonged decisively to history (long dead people, in other words), some actual minor celebrities (a QVC Channel hostess, for instance) who no longer lived in the towns they were born and raised in, and a few purported “local characters,” who, based on the sketchy information we received, might or might not have been promising.

    But no sweat, really. The truly entertaining and obsessive locals would be most easily discovered through inquiries in local bars, public libraries, and historical societies. I also believed it was possible, as my friend had asserted, that I’d be able to find my legends by simply walking down the sidewalk of any small-town Main Street and chatting with the residents.

    This was, after all, essentially how I had met the Let’s Make a Deal woman. One day I was out poking around in little towns around the state, and in the public library of one such town I had a discussion with two women during which they mentioned a local couple who had a large and distinguished collection of miniature bells. I generally like people who have large and distinguished, or even undistinguished, collections of anything. Naturally, I asked if it might be possible to see these bells. A phone call was made, directions were scrawled on a slip of scratch paper, and I walked several blocks off Main Street, knocked on a door, and was ushered into the presence of the bells. There were indeed a great many bells (some of them not miniature at all), and the woman was passionate about her hobby. I recall that when a large truck rumbled past the house the bells began to quiver in unison. They didn’t ring, exactly; it was more like the rattling noise of kitchen cupboards and silverware drawers in an earthquake.

    The first bell in the woman’s collection, I believe she said, had been obtained on her honeymoon. One thing led to another, which is, of course, how most obsessions snowball, and how most interesting conversations proceed.

    The woman was curious about my curiosity regarding her bells, as might be expected. I explained that I was always fascinated to discover how many truly interesting people lived in almost every town in America, people with interesting hobbies, experiences, and accomplishments. Local celebrities or legends, I told the woman. People like you.

    “Oh, Lord no,” the woman said. “Good heavens, no.” Her bells, she insisted, were small potatoes.

    And then she told me about the Let’s Make a Deal woman. Another phone call was made. A young man from the Cities is in town, the person on the other end of the line was told, and he’s interested in hearing about the game show. Once again I was dispatched with an address in hand.

    I’m not sure how old the Let’s Make a Deal woman was, but I’d guess she was then in her early seventies. She had lots of photos. She had been dressed as a hillbilly, I think it was, or maybe it was a scarecrow. And she had a signed copy of Emcee Monty Hall, the biography of the show’s host. There had been, she recalled, a lot of standing around and waiting. She’d had a feeling she would get on the show, somehow she’d just known. She hadn’t won a car or anything that fancy, she said, but she hadn’t been skunked, either; she’d won a washer and drier, which she didn’t need and had to pay the taxes on, but it had been a fun and wonderful experience regardless. “This was before we all had the video machines,” she told me. “That’s the only thing I’m sorry about, that I don’t have the show on tape.”

    I didn’t have a camera, which is something I regret to this day. I also wasn’t talking to this woman as a writer; I wasn’t thinking of her as a potential character for a story. I was just interested in hearing her story, and looking at her photographs.

    Later, in a used bookstore somewhere, I actually found a copy of Emcee Monty Hall, and I read the book with great pleasure. This is ridiculous, I realize, but after digesting Monty Hall’s words of wisdom I came to see in Let’s Make a Deal a fine metaphor for life. Everything’s there: faith, hope, disappointment, the desperate desire for attention that sometimes goads people to behave like total jackasses, and the occasional too-brief bursts of glory and exultation. It was a show that was about living with the choices you make, really, and accepting what’s behind the doors you open, or down the fork in the road you’ve chosen to travel. It’s also about gusto. Here’s a little snippet from Emcee Monty Hall that says what I’m trying to say much better than I can say it: “Of course, everyone can’t win big or winning big wouldn’t seem big. Whatever they win, the contestants seem happy. Monty says he has seen ladies make bad deals, perhaps trading a three-thousand-dollar car for three young pigs, and still kiss him. The men do not kiss him, but some hug him. He has had men grab him and throw him straight up in the air. This scares him because he worries about his back, which goes out on him constantly. He goes backstage complaining, ‘Oh, my back.’”

    A modern map is a congested thing. Looking at just one page from a modern road atlas it’s immediately apparent that there’s a lot out there, no matter how loosely or broadly you define “out there.” In even its most seemingly empty stretches, Minnesota is a very crowded place. This is still essentially a state of small towns, clustered close together and sprawling out in every direction from the fat inkblot of the Twin Cities. I thought I might kick off my trip by trying to find the Let’s Make a Deal woman. I had an idea the town might have been either out on U.S. Highway 12 west of the Twin Cities, or along state Highway 56 in the southeast corner of the state. I felt certain I would recognize the place when I saw it.

    Highway 12 definitely offered a greater concentration of communities, and if I followed it all the way to the western border of the state, I could then swing north and eventually pick up Highway 55, which would take me back to Minneapolis through another string of little towns. I headed west one morning. By noon I had a creeping suspicion that I was working with a seriously flawed central question; either that, or something strange was happening, or had happened, in America in recent years. I don’t know, perhaps it was just a bad patch of luck, but I can tell you that it took me almost four hours to cover sixty miles. In every town I ran into virtually the same story, which was not the story I was looking for. Nobody seemed to feel much like shooting the breeze. Even the drunks were more guarded. People clammed up on me.

    In small towns and rural areas there’s always been a certain amount of reserve and charming self-effacement when dealing with outsiders, of course, but you could generally get around that without much problem if you were persistent and curious enough. The key, I’d always known, was simply to get people talking, and then to keep them talking by your obvious interest in what they were saying.

    It wasn’t working, though. Oh, some folks would rack their brains all right. Particularly in the local libraries and city offices, they would scratch their heads and ponder and mull and maybe bandy a few ideas back and forth among themselves. And then they would half-heartedly offer up the name of, say, some fellow who’d been the county assessor for forty years, or a former mayor who had a park named after him. Every town seemed to have dead people who’d done something interesting once upon a time (politicians, mostly), or local sons or daughters who went out in the world to make a name for themselves.

    “What was the name of that gal who moved out east and married some big shot?” a woman in one town—it could have been Montrose, Waverly, Howard Lake, or Dassel, or, really, any other town out that way—asked her coworkers, who couldn’t seem to remember the name of either the girl or the big shot.

    “How about that old barber who used to be a race car driver?”

    “He’s dead. My God, Janice, he’s been dead for years.”

    I quickly learned that in the local bars I could reliably expect this response from some regular: “Local legend?” (Points across the bar.) “That guy’s a legendary drunk!” I also encountered the inspired variant, “That guy’s a legendary asshole!”

    In every town I would inquire about the Let’s Make a Deal woman. No one had heard of her.

    By noon I was in Darwin, a town that was once home to Francis Johnson, who was exactly the sort of character I was looking for. The result of Johnson’s lifetime labor, the world’s largest ball of twine wrapped by one man, is permanently displayed in its own glass-enclosed gazebo beneath the town water tower. Johnson’s twine ball, twelve feet in diameter, is a spectacular piece of work, and it’s nice to see the community give his achievement its proper due; it has become a sort of iconic roadside attraction that everybody in the state seems to know about, yet somehow I’d not only never stumbled across the thing, but had never even heard of it. Darwin holds an annual Twine Ball Festival, and adjacent to the ball’s permanent resting place is a bar, the Twine Ball Inn, and a souvenir stand that sells things like T-shirts, refrigerator magnets, and hats. Johnson, while unquestionably a legend, is not, alas, a living legend. He died in 1989.

    Death, in fact, dogged my entire journey. It was that “living” business, unfortunately, that posed a pretty serious problem. There were dead legends everywhere I went, and I sensed a clear attitude among many of the locals I talked with that this was precisely the way they liked their legends, that death was the ultimate credibility stamp or qualification on any true legend’s résumé. The achievements of the living were tenuous things; they could be too easily eclipsed, the people behind them disgraced. Once safely in the ground, a legend could no longer do much to discredit himself or his community.

    To many of the people I talked with, the very word, legend, was fraught with semantic difficulties; it seemed to suggest to them a story that folks tell about the past, about people who are dead and unmistakably historic, or mythical places or characters. A legend belongs to a place’s past, to its history.

    Death, I suppose, allows enough perspective for an honest appraisal of the achievements of native daughters and sons, and provides a bit of a historical comfort zone in which civic pride in these legacies can find proper incubation. It was hubristic to toot the horn of someone still living, unless, of course, they had gone somewhere else to make their mark and had earned the validation of the outside world. Thus Hibbing can celebrate Bob Dylan and Mound can proudly proclaim itself the birthplace of Kevin Sorbo. The people in these small towns seemed to understand implicitly that when local kids go out into the world to make their mark, they’re not likely coming back.

    I also figured out that the sort of people I was looking for and would personally classify as living legends were people with some peculiarly obsessive drive—folks who would be locally regarded as eccentrics or crackpots, if not outright lunatics. In small towns, I discovered, there is a prevailing attitude that such character flaws are absolutely not to be rewarded with anything in the way of attention or recognition. It was best to simply ignore them and then, when they died, confiscate their twine balls or the other products of their lunacy and build a community festival around them or let them fly their freak flag through eternity at the local historical society.

    I drove all the way west and then swung back east on Highway 55. I was making very slow progress. I was not, in fact, making any progress at all, unless tacking miles onto the odometer qualifies as some definition of progress.

    In every town I would go through the same basic routine. People would shrug, rub their chins, and consult their coworkers. Often enough, a phone call would be made to a local historian and a few names would be proposed and dismissed. I would be encouraged to see a woman at a local frame shop, or a guy at the post office who was an avid birdwatcher and history buff. At the tavern or serviceman’s club I would once again be offered an introduction to a legendary drunk. Plenty of people, including a man who was painting curbs in downtown Maple Lake, nominated themselves.

    I was encouraged to visit Hubert Humphrey’s old hometown of Waverly. Somewhere else, I was informed, a former Vikings cheerleader was at work at the turkey plant. In Buffalo a woman at the Chamber of Commerce referred me to Mary Ellen Kreitlow, who referred me to Ruben Bonk, who, Kreitlow said, “Coffeed every afternoon at three o’clock at Culver’s with some of the other older fellows.” Bonk proved elusive, so I ventured to the Wright County Historical Society just outside of town. There I talked with Maureen Galvin, the curator. Galvin and a few other volunteers engaged in some brainstorming while I admired Albert Nelson’s “Mighty Nelsonian,” an imposing contraption that took up a good part of one room. The Nelsonian was a thirty-two-piece musical instrument, a one-man band, that could be played using two keyboards. Nelson tinkered with his one-man band for decades, and the final version on display at the historical society, completed in 1957, featured such diverse instruments as accordions, violin, cello, xylophone, banjo, trombone, and two guitars. He showcased the Nelsonian at the Ripley’s Believe It or Not Odditorium at the Chicago World’s Fair, and later spent many years on the road, traveling and playing with a circus out of Florida.

    Nelson was clearly an interesting man, and, in my eyes, an obvious legend. He was also dead. Long dead.

    The brainstorming session in the other room had been remarkably productive, particularly when compared with my other experiences thus far. Galvin and her associates had clearly given my question some serious thought. They had even excavated some material from file cabinets for me to peruse.

    There was, it turns out, a woman from Buffalo, Debbie Meyer, who had married the entertainer Andy Williams. She now, however, lived in Branson, Missouri, where her husband has a theater. Her mother, Mary Jane, who had until recently resided in Buffalo, was also now in Branson.

    Bernie Parquette, a gospel singer, was from Buffalo as well. Parquette was definitely a local legend, someone said, and a truly incredible singer, but she wasn’t still residing in Buffalo. She was, in fact, living in Branson, where she had twice been named “Gospel Female Vocalist of the Year.”

    Bob Dylan’s brother, David Zimmerman, I was told, had once served on the Buffalo school board.

    And in nearby Howard Lake there was a guy named Bruce Hoffman who was a champion fiddler and had once appeared on Star Search once. Hoffman, alas, was now in Branson.

    And so it went. I drove north, crossed the state, and headed back south along the eastern border. Somewhere out there were towns that claimed to be the birthplace of Greyhound Lines (Hibbing) and the birthplace of water skiing (Lake City). Rothsay was home to the world’s largest prairie chicken, and Fountain touted itself as the sinkhole capital of the world. I saw giant statues of a trout, a green giant, and a mosquito. I’m sure there were other giant statues I’ve forgotten.

    Still. No one I talked to had any recollection of a woman who had once appeared on Let’s Make a Deal.

    The entire time I had been on the road, it had been outrageously hot, and I drove in and out of thunderstorms for several days. I was south of the Twin Cities on Highway 56 when for some reason I became convinced that the hometown of the bell collector and the Let’s Make a Deal woman was somewhere nearby. I had traveled that stretch of highway on a number of occasions, so the towns all looked familiar to me. I had a good feeling, a strong feeling.

    When I got to West Concord I was certain I had finally stumbled into the right town. It was late in the afternoon, and the Main Street was almost completely abandoned. I walked into various businesses that I found open and time and again made my increasingly desperate inquiry.

    “Have you ever heard of a woman in town who once appeared on Let’s Make a Deal?”

    No, I was told at each place, no, that didn’t sound like anyone in town.

    “How about a woman who collects bells?”

    “Bells? No, I can’t think of anyone,” someone told me. “There is, though, an older gal who collects shells.”

    By this time I was feeling utterly defeated and beleaguered. There were possible explanations; I’d been severely handicapped by the fact that I didn’t have a cell phone, and I hadn’t been able to figure out how to use the wireless internet connection on my laptop. I’d had bad timing and even worse luck. Maybe the lousy state was entirely legendless, or maybe all the legends really were dead. I had no idea anymore.

    I decided to drive the forty miles to Austin, my own hometown, and get a motel room to lick my wounds and try to hatch a game plan. I haven’t lived in Austin in more than twenty years, and the place has undergone a lot of changes since I moved away. Even so, I get back often enough that the town still feels achingly familiar. Every time I return, I’m reminded of the empty, humming, vacuum feel of the place on summer nights and of how anxious I once was to get away.

    Austin has a population of 23,324, but it’s always felt much smaller than that to me. It’s located ninety miles almost directly south of the Twin Cities, just off Interstate 90, and you could jog to the Iowa border in a couple of hours. Hormel, the Fortune 500 meat and food processing company, was founded in Austin, and still has its corporate offices and a packing plant there. Austin’s got a Target now, and one of those sprawling, nondescript clusters of chain restaurants and retail establishments that you see everywhere these days. It didn’t have any of that stuff at the time I moved away. I can still remember, in fact, when McDonald’s first came to town.

    As I sat in my room at the Days Inn eating a pizza from Steve’s, my all-time favorite pizza place and the source of many of my happiest memories of Austin, I tried to think of whom I would define as the living legends of my hometown. Suddenly, I felt just like the people I’d been talking to for the last week. I honestly couldn’t think of anyone. There were my old friends Otto McDermott, a long-haired plumber who drove a van with the yin-yang symbol painted on the side, and John Beckmann, a lawyer and one of the best writers and most interesting people I’ve ever met. Both of these guys had been instrumental in introducing me to a world outside of Austin, and were legends to me, but I have no idea how the other people in town saw them.

    For a town of its size, Austin has produced more than its fair share of accomplished and distinguished people. The late Pulitzer Prize-winning poet Richard Eberhart was born and raised there. Novelist Tim O’Brien, football coach and analyst John Madden, and golfer Tom Lehman were all born in my hometown. Mike Wuertz, a pitcher currently with the Chicago Cubs, played high school baseball in Austin. I have no doubt that the stages of Branson are crowded with talented former Austinites.

    I had absolutely no idea who might live there now, however, other than, I’m sure, lots of intelligent, interesting, and talented people who were nonetheless not living legends. At this point I had no idea, in fact, what I ever might have thought the term “living legend” implied, other than a woman who had once appeared on Let’s Make a Deal.

    The next day I went in search of the Mower County Historical Society, which was located at the fairgrounds in Austin and which I had never visited. It was a pretty impressive place, full of interesting stuff and fantastic photos. There were lots of dance posters from the old Terp Ballroom (“Old Time Dance Every Friday Night”), which I remembered as a roller skating rink from when I was kid. These days it’s some sort of church.

    Jacky Pierskalla, the society’s director, and Polly Jelinek, its secretary, mulled my challenge.

    “If this was twenty years ago, you’d be in business,” Jelinek said. “Nowadays people move on.”

    Death, of course, is the ultimate form of moving on, and in a dimly lit room inside the Historical Society building I discovered a monument to one more dead man’s obsession that is almost the equal of Francis Johnson’s twine ball in Darwin. William Tyrer’s “Wild Animal Three-Ring Circus,” assembled over more than fifteen years, is a sprawling and startlingly detailed creation. Composed of carved and modeled figurines and elaborate props, Tyrer’s spectacular circus includes hundreds of pieces, ranging from clowns and wild animals to trapeze artists and lion tamers. There are indeed three rings, all of them hives of activity, and contained under a giant canvas tent that is packed to the rafters with visual stimuli. Even the peripheries are busy with minute details, and outside the tent there are dozens of wagons and all manner of behind-the-scenes hubbub.

    Pierskalla and Jelinek didn’t know much about Tyrer other than the bare-bones details that are displayed with his tabletop circus: He worked for Hormel for forty-seven years and died in 1969. During the years Tyrer worked on his labor of obvious love, he was a member of something called the Circus Model Builder’s Club, and once displayed his creation at the Circus World Museum in Baraboo, Wisconsin.

    Tyrer did have a son, Kenny, who was still living in town, I was told, and I was given a phone number. I tried to get ahold of Kenny Tyrer every day for a week, but nobody ever answered the phone at his home. Unsurprisingly, he did not have an answering machine.

    I spent a great deal of time marveling at William Tyrer’s circus, and it gave me some small encouragement that there might still be people out there in towns all over the state who are working away at similar wonders in absolute obscurity.

    While I was browsing around the historical society I stumbled across a photograph of Knauer’s, a tiny meat market downtown that had been a museum of exotica even in the Austin of my youth. It was an old-school, throwback market of the type that must have once existed in small towns all over America, and at a time when even the most out-of-the-way places have Wal-Marts, Targets, and all manner of twenty-four-hour Super Stores, it was a genuine relic. Every time I returned to my old hometown I was both astonished and relieved to see that Knauer’s was still surviving, and I’d been going in there on Christmas Eve for oysters, cheese, and bulk candy for as long as I could remember. It was a place that I’d always taken for granted, and I realized that I knew nothing whatsoever about its history.

    After I left the Historical Society I stopped off at Knauer’s on my way downtown to the library. The almost impossibly cramped little market was bustling, and there were three generations of Knauers working behind the scenes—Bob (who admitted that he was “almost eighty”), his son Mark, and his grandson Bob.

    Knauer’s, the elder Bob told me, has been in business since 1886, and when I asked him how long he’d been at it, he answered, “I’ve been going since six o’clock this morning, unloading semi loads of beef.” He had, it turned out, been going a lot longer than that. He’s been working at the family market for sixty-five years, with a little time off for military service, and grew up in a house next door.

    “This is pretty much it,” Knauer says. “The Knauers are meat cutters, and they’ve always been meat cutters. This is the only thing I’ve ever done, and in all those years I’ve never gotten a promotion.”

    Looking at the historical photos of the market that adorn the walls, it’s apparent that the basic layout of the place hasn’t changed much in over a century. When Bob’s grandfather, Tony Sr., first came over from Austria, the Knauers were sausage makers, a trade that Tony had learned in Vienna. In the early years, the family ran a small slaughterhouse just outside town, and had a sausage factory and smokehouse behind the market.

    “You didn’t have refrigeration or suppliers in those days,” Bob says, “so you pretty much had to do everything yourself. At one time we had nine meat cutters going like gangbusters ten hours a day back here.”

    The Knauers have held onto their history over the years; the original smokehouse still stands out back, and a number of original fixtures—an icebox, a meat locker with an imposing oak door, and a cash register—have all been preserved, or at least left alone. There’s also a huge black onyx safe in the back room that had the lock blown off in a robbery once upon a time.

    They still cut their own meat at Knauers, and Black Angus steaks are the market’s specialty.

    “Quality is everything in a business like this,” Bob said. “If you don’t have quality you’re not gonna be around for long. We’re hanging in there, but we’re pretty much the last of the Mohicans. It’s always a battle running a place like this. It always has been. There’s so much competition, and there’s more all the time. The nice thing about keeping things in the family is that you always have plenty of helping hands.”

    In the two days I spent in Austin, nobody I talked to mentioned Bob Knauer when I inquired about local, or living, legends, and it occurred to me that there was something seriously flawed in not just my own conception of what a legend was, but also with the conception of virtually everyone else I’d talked to.

    Try to think of your neighborhood or orbit of friends as a small town. Who among the people who populate that town would you describe to a stranger as a living legend? What would be your criteria for making this determination?

    Look around. Surely there are people like William Tryer and Bob Knauer in your midst. There must be, even if they seem like nothing more than average Joes to the people who live just up the street. Surely all of the legends in your little world aren’t dead, are they?

    No, surely they’re not.

    Of course they’re not.

  • Playground of the Rich

    The iron ore mine in Tower, Minnesota, closed in 1962. Now Tower’s
    major industry is Lake Vermilion, an island-studded jewel and one of
    the last outposts of private property before you arrive at the Boundary
    Waters Canoe Area Wilderness.

    Outside Tower, there is a turn to Old Highway 169, and then another
    onto an old logging road that wanders through the Mud Creek basin. This
    is U.S. Steel land, the largest undeveloped area on Lake
    Vermilion—roughly five miles of empty, wild shoreline. The Mud Creek
    basin is a critical wildlife corridor, providing moose, deer, wolves,
    Canada lynx, and cougar a route from the Burntside Lake area to the
    western BWCA.

    John Pahula’s father built a cabin here on land leased from U.S. Steel
    in 1946. John and his two sisters grew up walking a winding, mile-long
    trail with their parents from town to the cabin, where they hunted,
    fished, picked blueberries, cut firewood, and watched the wildlife.
    John, a Finnish bachelor, has lived year round in this idyllic
    seclusion for the last twenty years—until last year. U.S. Steel
    terminated his family’s lease and evicted him. The largest steel
    producer in the country plans to develop the area. As one local
    property-tax assessor said, “We used to mine iron ore, but now we mine
    lakeshore.”

    A little south and west, down on Leech Lake, the rough blacktop of
    Highway 200 winds out of Walker through dense aspen and pine forest.
    Suddenly, the back-roads driver comes upon a new road, one guarded by a
    fake-stone fence and heavy, electronically operated security gates.
    Forest Royal is a new gated community where luxury log homes, starting
    at $1,230,000, dot a grassy glen overlooking Leech Lake. Empty lots of
    3.2 acres with 260 feet of shoreline sell for $800,000.

    Connie Larson owns a cabin next door to Forest Royal—one of those
    rustic, bucolic nests where Minnesota families return generation after
    generation. (She asked that her real name not be used, due to her
    concerns about tax assessor retribution.) Her father, a Minneapolis
    schoolteacher, bought a fifteen-acre lot in 1943 and spent nine days
    and nine hundred dollars building his family’s retreat. Connie’s father
    died in 1980, and not long after, her husband perished in a plane
    crash. Then her mother died. Her younger sister could not afford the
    place, so Connie mortgaged her own home in order to keep the cabin.
    “After so much, I just couldn’t let it go,” she said. “It was the
    center of my family.”

    When homes and lots at Forest Royal came on the market, the local
    assessor raised the estimated market value of Connie’s property from
    $14,300 in 2002 to $74,600 in 2003, an increase of 422 percent. As
    properties at Forest Royal continue to sell, her assessments continue
    to increase. Her tax bills keep pace.

    People like Pahula and Larson represent the past. Minnesota Seasonal
    and Recreational Property Owners, an association of seasonal property
    owners, reports that the average Minnesota cabin has been in constant
    family ownership for twenty-five years. Owners have an average
    household income of fifty-nine thousand dollars. An estimated seventeen
    thousand families in Minnesota fear that they will have to sell their
    cabins in the next three years because they can no longer afford to pay
    their new property taxes. “Most of the local people have been taxed off
    the lake,” said Pahula. “I don’t like it, but what you gonna do? Money
    talks.”

    Minnesota lakeshore is a hot commodity today, with properties averaging
    about a twenty percent increase in value statewide in the last year
    alone. Some values have doubled every year for three years. The stock
    market crash in 2001 and the resulting low interest rates actually
    accelerated the vacation real estate market.

    Minnesota’s property-tax system favors development of lakeshore, rather
    than conservation of it. John James, commissioner of revenue under
    Governor Rudy Perpich from 1987 to 1991, writes in Taxing Our
    Strengths, a road map to property tax reform that was prepared for the
    2000 Minnesota Smart Growth Conference II: “Local units of government
    use zoning and other land-use tools to maximize tax revenues and
    minimize costs, often without regard for the long-term economic,
    social, or environmental consequences.” You can say that again.

    For example, the planned U.S. Steel “Three Bays” project violates local
    authority—particularly Department of Natural Resources regulations
    regarding lakeshore development—but the St. Louis County Board seems
    more than a little sympathetic to U.S. Steel.

    There are sometimes more cautious voices within local governments,
    residents who have the odd idea that the natural quality and integrity
    of the area is worth preserving for future generations. But often the
    drive for development comes from people further up the political
    structure—from the inherent commercial biases of county boards and
    chambers of commerce, to the state’s property tax code itself.

    Rod McPeak, who serves on the Breitung township planning commission,
    said, “Two years ago, Breitung Township put together a land-use plan
    for what we hoped to see as the future of the township”—a plan that St.
    Louis County approved last year. “Development is inevitable, and we’re
    not against it. We just don’t want to destroy the pristine beauty of
    the lake.”
    There is strong evidence to support McPeak’s concerns. In June, 2003, a
    study conducted by the Mississippi Headwaters Board, the Minnesota
    Pollution Control Agency, and Bemidji State University found that, on
    average, a one-meter increase in water clarity increased the value of
    Minnesota lakeshore property—property upon which local tax bases are
    built—by about twenty-five dollars per foot. Conversely, a decrease of
    one meter diminished the value of a foot of lakeshore by about fifty
    dollars per foot. That study found that “While the overall quality of
    Minnesota lakes may be good, lakeshore development has [degraded] and
    continues to degrade lake quality.”

    Well over half of Minnesota’s lakeshore is privately owned, yet current
    tax policies, market pressures, and other destructive incentives
    guarantee that this land will be developed at ever-increasing rates.
    Ironically, development often costs local townships more than they
    regain in a larger property tax base. “The [U.S. Steel] development
    will triple our expenses,” said McPeak. “The first three years will
    bankrupt us.” Regarding his eviction, Pahula said, “At first it was
    sad. Now it don’t bother me much, and I’ll tell you why. The lake is
    only a playground for the rich now. The good old days are done and they
    are gone. That was the last nice part of the lake that was left, and
    now it’ll get all built.”

    Trends in Minnesota’s lake country and forests today are moving away
    from community control, away from promoting historical context and
    continuity between generations, away from connections with places and
    people, away from preservation and protection—in short, away from
    Minnesota’s heritage.

    “Much of the high-quality lakeshore in Minnesota is already developed
    or rapidly being developed,” said Paula West, executive director of the
    Minnesota Lakes Association. “And redevelopment of priority lakes is
    occurring in some parts of the state. Seasonal cabins are being
    replaced with suburban-type homes and lawns, which create more
    impervious surfaces—driveways, roads, and roofs—that increase polluted
    runoff into our lakes.”

    The solution, said West, is for “state and local governments to put
    proper controls for development in place and be willing to enforce
    them.” So far, state government has not been much help. Its minimum
    shoreline management standards were written in 1969 and are woefully
    inadequate. Hence the need for locals to try to strengthen the
    standards for their lakes, although they often lack the power to
    enforce these regulations.

    As for local enforcement, McPeak is alarmed that no one has complained
    to the St. Louis County Board, and by the larger ramifications of this
    passivity. “It is amazing to me that they [the board] hear nothing from
    the people,” he said.  “If U.S. Steel overrides the Breitung plan,
    all local plans are up for grabs.”

    The little cabin by the pristine lake is an endangered species. Without
    drastic changes in Minnesota’s property tax system, and without
    development regulation and a change in development patterns, Forest
    Royal on Leech Lake and Three Bays on Lake Vermilion are Minnesota’s
    future. Lakes are part of our motto, our state quarter, and our license
    plates. They define Minnesota. Nevertheless, that heritage might soon
    be lost to short-term economic gain and long-term economic pain.

  • All Fished Out!

    Some of the landmarks have changed, but eight years ago, directions to the Rainbow Inn were easy: Stay on Highway 169, watch for Wigwam Bay and the Grain Belt beer sign. I found it, pulled in, and walked into the lodge. The light was comfortably dim, slanting in through the row of front windows. A man and a woman were leaning against opposite corners of a blond wood bar; they were silent, but looked up as I entered. My friends had stopped by last year to ask about cabins, I explained, and I was wondering if they had any available for the coming summer. After a few seconds, the woman started to cry.

    I switched gears from oblivious to confused. They had recently decided to sell, the man said in a resigned tone. They just couldn’t make it work anymore. Things were changing too much; people weren’t coming like they used to. I should be able to rent a cabin from the new management later in the season, he added, if I wanted one. I didn’t know what to say, so I left it at “thanks” and left them to their privacy.

    The Rainbow Inn is now gone altogether, but I remember it fondly. I did stay there that summer with a group of friends, and returned several times in later years. This cluster of five tiny white cabins, each with trim painted in a different color of the rainbow, was my scruffy introduction to the classic mom-and-pop resort. My friends and I were late bloomers in regard to the tradition of the Minnesota lake cabin, and we were surprised and a little overwhelmed at the range of options. The large resorts, outfitted with golf courses, convention centers, water parks, and the like, were too elaborate (and expensive) for our liking. Our desires were simple—just a place to sleep while we explored the area—so the Rainbow Inn was the perfect answer. For a modest weekly rate, we could come and go as we liked, cook our own food, and bring along various combinations of family members, partners, friends, and pets.

    Cabin number one was my favorite. It had red trim and a concrete dog statue next to the front door. The dog’s ears had broken off, leaving two rusty antennae, stubs of rebar, sticking out of its head. Mille Lacs Lake sparkled and beckoned beyond, though it was separated from the cabins by the two lanes of Highway 169. Inside, the focus was the kitchen, with its antique refrigerator and tiny gas stove. The table and chairs blazed with the curvy chrome and primary-colored optimism of 1950s-era modernism, but this was no ironic retro rehab. Simply put, the place hadn’t changed for a long time. A diminutive couch and non-functioning TV finished off the main part of the cabin. In the “back” was a compact bathroom, next to a gas space heater and a bedroom that was essentially filled by the sagging bed. Cabin number one and its companions were situated on a short loop drive next to the central lodge building, to which a strip motel had been attached sometime in the fifties.

    Generations of Midwestern families once came to places just like the Rainbow for their summer vacations. Some stayed in the same cabin at the same resort during the same week, year after year. At times, mothers and children would stay all summer, with dad commuting from the Cities on the weekends. For those without the means to purchase their own lake place, resort cabins provided the fishing, swimming, sun, and relaxation without the responsibilities of maintenance. Long a vital part of Minnesota culture and heritage, the cabin “up north” has attained the mythological patina of simpler times—mainly among city dwellers fueled by a Hamm’s beer-sign-tinged nostalgia. And this is only natural, considering that the golden age of the family-run resort has long since vanished.

    My family took long road-trip camping vacations while I was growing up in the seventies. Every summer my parents, brother, grandma, and I would pile into the car, with camper in tow, and head out for weeks. We took scenic routes from the Midwest down to Florida, to Oregon, New England, California—or wherever we wanted. As a young child, I believed that my dad had been everywhere in the world at least once, because he always seemed to know where he was going on these trips. Even when he pulled out a map, I figured he was just refreshing his memory; maybe it had been a while since he’d been in that particular area. In later years, when I helped navigate, I still loved the sense of exploration and discovery, which fueled my curiosity about the world.

    That style of vacation was a novelty to my parents and grandmother, but it was also helping to usher out the heyday of the mom-and-pop resort. Both the road trip and the resort are products of automobile tourism, made possible and promoted by a heavy investment in infrastructure and advertising starting shortly after World War I.

    My friend (and landlady) Neva Bridgwater experienced the growth and decline of the Minnesota resort industry firsthand. Her parents, Howard and Lela Welty, opened the Wigwam Inn on Wigwam Bay of Mille Lacs Lake in the 1930s, when she was a little girl. The vacant woodlot where the resort once stood is just outside my office window, up the bay from the Rainbow Inn’s former location.

    Neva has large, gentle eyes and a quick smile. She is athletic and whipcord thin, the result of a lifetime’s worth of swimming, which began when she fell off a dock at the age of five. Her uncle saw it happen. He said, “Young lady, you’re going to learn to swim!” and taught her on the spot. A friend of Neva’s, Jim Kalk, who ran the Wigwam Inn for a while in the late 1990s, told me that he saw her out in the lake nearly every day it wasn’t frozen. “It made me a little nervous seeing her out there so far. I’d try to keep an eye out while I was working, to make sure I could still see her swim cap above the waves, but she never had any problems.” Neva now lives on the north side of the lake with her newlywed husband, Trevor. When the couple is not elk hunting in the Rockies, they’re busy caring for their horses and building an addition on their home.

    Neva’s parents brought their young family to Mille Lacs in the early thirties from a little town in Iowa. Years of drought had become an increasing burden on their farm, and Howard Welty had always loved hunting and fishing, so he decided to make a living from that. The Weltys first leased the Vineland Lodge, a long-gone resort that was situated at the outlet of the Rum River from Mille Lacs Lake. Howard had a natural talent and love for exploring the lake, and quickly established himself as a fishing guide. After discovering the good fishing up north, on Wigwam Bay, he looked for resort opportunities there.

    Howard inquired about the Kingfisher Lodge, which was located on the bay, but its owner, Earle Brown, wrote that “we are not in a position to lease this property at the present time owing to the fact that we do not know exactly where the new highway is to be located and what effect this new location will have on the property.” Neva still laughs at that letter. Seven decades later, years of uncertainty over a proposed four-lane divided highway once again keeps people guessing about the future of their properties.

    Not long after Brown’s rejection, the lodge immediately south of the Kingfisher went up for sale. The Weltys bought it and expended a lot of elbow grease over the winter. They lived in the lodge and rented out two cabins. At first, they focused mainly on a fishing service. Howard’s reputation as a first-rate guide grew quickly, and he had a steady flow of travelers from his hometown in Iowa. Back then, many farmers had a few weeks of leisure in June. “They didn’t have much to do after the corn was planted,” Neva told me. “Farming is much more diversified now, but at that time it was corn, corn, corn.” With the kids out of school, early summer became the natural time for a vacation. Repeat business became a sure thing, with visitors coming from as far away as Chicago. “Mille Lacs walleye were publicized in Chicago, and many groups would come up just to fish with Dad,” said Neva.

    The biggest challenge at the Wigwam Inn was lodging. With only two cabins, many of their launch customers had to stay elsewhere. The serendipitous solution to the squeeze on accommodations came when a truck driver accidentally crashed into the Kingfisher Lodge. Earle Brown decided not to rebuild, and sold the Kingfisher’s five cabins to the Weltys. They moved them over to the Wigwam Inn and soon built an eighth, the largest, which was always in the most demand.

    Between the fishing opener and Labor Day, running the Wigwam Inn was a twenty-four-hour job. Laundry and housekeeping chores were never-ending, and Neva’s mother ran a lively business cooking breakfast and lunch for the fishermen. The family also stocked a small grocery store in the lodge. In an era before convenience stores, most resorts kept on hand many of the basics that their guests would need. Suppliers of milk, bread, meat, and other staples made deliveries from Brainerd to the area resorts. This was usually a great help, except in 1946 when a Kremey Krust bread truck lost control and crashed into several of the resort’s boats on the beach. (In northwoods lore, there are a lot of runaway automobiles.) The resort also functioned as a gas station, and Gluek’s beer was available on tap in the lodge. The Wigwam Inn’s lodge became a gathering place not just for guests in the tourist season, but for locals year round.

    On top of their duties related to maintaining the resort, Neva and her older brother, Francis, were responsible for entertaining the children of the guests. Some days they were in and out of the lake ten times or more, supervising young swimmers. “The fishermen usually came for three to four days at a time, and then families would start to arrive just after Memorial Day,” she said. “Most would stay for about two weeks. It was fun to get to know the ones who came back year after year.”

    “Getting away from it all” was a Minnesota tradition long before the Weltys founded the Wigwam Inn. From the early days of the Minnesota Territory in the mid-nineteenth century, the northern air was thought to be invigorating and conducive to good health. The Lake Minnetonka area became a popular escape from the summer heat of the Twin Cities by the 1860s, and the rapid growth of railroads extended the possibilities in the subsequent decades.

    As an industry, tourism provided a way to make a living in areas that had once been the domain of loggers and miners, and brought an economic dimension to the scenic beauty of the northwoods. In regions like the Arrowhead, which were still actively being logged, this created a clash of values and bolstered support for the early conservation movements. Then as now, tourists didn’t spend money to make trips of that magnitude in hopes of seeing clear-cuts. Areas like Mille Lacs, in fact, had been logged over several times by the early 1900s. But the second-growth trees still looked like a forest, and anyway the real draw, as it spread through word of mouth in the early and mid-twentieth century, was the fishing.

    While cars did not lead directly to the creation of resorts, burgeoning highway development in the 1920s and 1930s did fuel the development of housekeeping cabins and fishing-launch services across central and northern Minnesota. A tourist brochure from the 1930s announced: “The Scenic and Shortest Route to the North is through the Main Entrance to Paul Bunyan Play Ground at Lake Mille Lacs.” The map on the back points out the advantages of the roads coming north from the Twin Cities. U.S. Highway 169 was “paved to the lake.” State Highway 65 was tarvia (an early road surface using coal tar) “almost to the lake,” while State Highway 56 remained a “good gravel road.” Another brochure from the 1940s assures tourists that “the roads which lead to Mille Lacs from every direction are wide and smooth.”

    Even as roads from the Twin Cities extended farther north, gas rationing during World War II offered an additional boon for Mille Lacs-area resorts. For those who could vacation during the war, Mille Lacs was pretty much as far as they could drive, and continued to mean literally “up north” to many people. Furthermore, gas rationing meant that it simply wasn’t feasible for vacationers to tow boats with them. Not only were Mille Lacs resorts readily accessible from the Cities, but the guests also needed the cabins, food, and fishing service they offered. A brochure produced by the Mille Lacs Lake Association in the 1940s depicts a cluster of eight resorts on Wigwam Bay, including the Wigwam Inn and Vic’s Motel & Resort (later the Rainbow Inn), along with the Shady Knoll Resort, Pirate’s Cove, the Wigwam Bay Resort, Cofield & Whitehead, the Westshore Resort, and the North Star Resort.

    Road development spurred economic development, but it ultimately became a double-edged sword for the resorts. Mille Lacs had never been directly connected to the railroads, and the first highways opened up the west side of the lake, including Wigwam Bay, to tourism like never before. The beach ridges on the western shore have probably always been a natural transportation route: first for foot travel, then for horses and wagons, and finally for motorized vehicles. The speed, noise and traffic volume of a late twentieth century highway were unimaginable to the driver of a Model T on an unpaved road, but those early byways set a precedent. They made the western bays an ideal setting for resorts—accessible yet beautiful. Today, the highway is a barrier between some of the resorts and the shore, although a number have managed to hold on due to the lure of their fishing launches.

    The legacy of Highway 169’s impact on the area is most apparent at Seguchie Resort, on St. Alban’s Bay. Like the former Wigwam and Rainbow inns, it sits on the shore of Mille Lacs Lake, but it is cut off from the water by forty feet of pavement. Red and yellow cabins flank a narrow gravel road that provides access to the resort. This little road is unusual in that it has small but deep ditches on each side, and its own concrete bridge over Seguchie Creek. Owner Dave Kobilka explained that this road was the highway back in the twenties, when the resort was built. Realizing this, it’s easy to visualize the place as it was then, with a playhouse-scale highway doubling as a lane through the rows of cheerful cabins, the smell of fish frying, and the shouts of children running to the shore.

    A likely option for the next phase of Highway 169 reconstruction would move the road farther back from the shores of Mille Lacs, on both Wigwam and St. Alban’s bays. It’s interesting to consider whether the early twenty-first century highway could spark a renaissance of mom-and-pop businesses along the lake, reconnecting the lakeshore resorts with the water.

    Back in the late 1930s, “people would just love to sit and look out the window toward the north and watch the traffic,” Neva said. “It was a big thing then. Now we don’t think it’s so great.” She was talking to Jim Fogerty, who spent much of the 1990s compiling an oral history of the state’s resort industry. A curator at the Minnesota Historical Society, Fogerty selected the Wigwam Inn as a classic mom-and-pop resort case study for his project. Neva was his main source.

    According to Fogerty, the Wigwam Inn is one of two main types of resorts, catering mainly to the fishing crowd, with guests sometimes staying for two, three, or four weeks. The other type has evolved from that mom-and-pop model into a more service- and recreation-oriented complex, with golf, tennis, conference centers, spas, and other amenities. This second type, where guests typically stay for a long weekend, dominates today, with familiar names like Cragun’s, Breezy Point, Izaty’s, and Ruttger’s. The more modest housekeeping resorts are hanging on, but just barely. Clearly, their popularity peaked in during the 1940s and 1950s.

    Still, these older places have made a deep enough imprint on the Minnesota psyche to gain recognition as an integral part of our cultural heritage, warranting stewardship, studies like Fogerty’s oral history project, and even preservation efforts. Today, for instance, a thirties-era trading post is a prominent part of the Mille Lacs Indian Museum. Established by Harry and Jeanette Ayer, it characterizes the entrepreneurial spirit of many early Minnesota resorts.

    The Ayers were licensed traders living among the Ojibwe community at Mille Lacs who in the early twenties purchased land, eleven rowboats, and supplies for building and furnishing tourist cabins. They lived in one of the cabins for more than twenty years, and rented the others to motor tourists and fishermen; the proceeds from the cabins and a dining hall financed the construction of the trading post. The cabins, which eventually numbered around two dozen, were at the center of several related enterprises that employed members of the Mille Lacs band of Ojibwe , including a boat works, a maple sugar factory, and a gas station. Wigwams and other traditional Ojibwe structures were built on the grounds, leaving little doubt that seeing “real Indians” was a definite draw in the tourist trade. The trading post was also a de facto community center for the band during this period, and provided an outlet for birchbark crafts, beadwork, and other traditional art.

    The Ayers’ resort and trading post were always full during May, with fishermen doubling up in the cabins and perennially hoping for an early start. In the days before large fishing launches, rowboats were tied together and towed out to the middle of Mille Lacs Lake, where the fish retreated during warm weather. It was common practice at many resorts to send the boats off for the entire day with packed lunches. The motorboat could stay there with them, or go back at dinnertime (or signs of approaching bad weather).

    Along with the trading post, the Minnesota Historical Society preserved several of the Ayers’ tourist cabins and their spartan furnishings. The low-lying beds look rather uncomfortable, and a small wooden table in one kitchen is set with enamelware plates and cups. But all it takes is a glimpse of Mille Lacs Lake through the gingham curtains to remember that the interior of these cabins was hardly the attraction.

    Ruttger’s resort is a short distance northwest of Mille Lacs on Bay Lake. It has operated for more than a century as a family-run business. Jack Ruttger, the grandson of founders Joseph and Josephine Ruttger, was also a primary source for Jim Fogerty’s study, as Ruttger’s is a classic example of that second type of resort—the one that evolved into a major, upscale recreation site. Highway 6, which leads to Ruttger’s, evolved as Highway 169 did at Mille Lacs, but it does not carry as much traffic. Also, the alignment of Highway 6 shifted away from the resort as it was rebuilt over the years, leaving the Ruttger’s cabins in peace. The old mercantile and the filling station along the former highway are now part of the resort, converted into shops and a coffee house, and a new spa continues the tradition of adapting historic buildings for contemporary uses.

    The Ruttgers’ earliest guests came in the 1890s on the railroad to the town of Deerwood, looking to escape the city summer; the first cabin was built in 1901, the same year the first family came for an extended vacation. Jack’s childhood memories of the Great Depression at his family’s resort contrast sharply with Neva’s of the Wigwam Inn. It turns out that even though Bay Lake is only about fifteen miles north of Mille Lacs, auto tourists were only just making it to Wigwam Bay, and so some summers saw a definite shortage of guests at Ruttger’s. They responded by trying to make every guest feel especially doted upon.

    Thus Ruttger’s stayed one step ahead of the changes in American vacation evolution. The 1920s brought a heavy investment in tourist cabin construction, soon followed by a pioneering golf course in the pasture (shared with the cows). Later decades brought tennis courts, an eighteen-hole golf course (minus cows), apartment-style condominiums, and a convention center.

    Meanwhile, at the Wigwam Inn, for example, the wooden boats purchased to replace the ones destroyed in the Kremey Krust disaster marked the end of their era. Aluminum boats were available starting in the 1950s and quickly gained in popularity, and while it would be decades before personal watercraft were substantial enough to tackle Mille Lacs Lake on their own, a trend toward visitors bringing their own boats began.

    Likewise, an RV park became a focus of business at the Wigwam, although the lodge, cabins and the launch remained. Today, the buildings and dock are gone. The former resort is a park-like setting with tall oak, basswood, and ash trees, and the occasional RV electrical hookup sticking up through the grass.

    The improved roads and the end of gas rationing set the stage for the long driving vacations of the late 1960s and 1970s. In my family’s case, if we had approached Mille Lacs on one of our road trips, we likely would have set up our camper at the Wigwam Inn and moved on after a day or two, rather than staying for a week or more, as guests had in the previous era.

    In this sense, the heavy traffic passing the former Rainbow and Wigwam inns becomes a living metaphor. What was once a destination has become a corridor carrying people to other places. But this shouldn’t come as a surprise. The roads gave the resorts life, at a pause in the moving frontier of highway development. The resorts were inseparable from the highway, and jockeyed for position to be close to it. The ease of their trip was a sure sign of progress to the guests, and they celebrated it along with all else that was “modern.”

  • Now You See It…

    Lynx number one was a hard-luck kitten. He was barely a year old, in March 2003, when he walked into a box-like trap near Isabella, deep in the Superior National Forest. Isabella is an old logging village bisected by Highway 1 as it slices inland from Lake Superior to Ely. Beyond the village is a small network of forest roads and great patches of spruce, pine, and balsam. It’s wild and dense country that few humans ever see. This vast forest, interspersed by small, alder-choked streams and rocky lakes, is one of the areas in northeast Minnesota that biologists have recently focused on in their search for lynx in Minnesota. Lynx One’s trap was like those used by urban trappers to catch dogs harmlessly.

    Although evolution had molded Lynx One, with his long back legs and fur-padded feet, to have a special taste for snowshoe hare, his trap was baited with beaver meat. Only L1, which is how history remembers him, knew what that trap door slamming shut in the woods sounded like. When researchers got to him a few hours later, they used a syringe on a pole to dose him with ketamine hydrochloride and xylazine hydrochloride. One of the side effects of the sedatives, commonly used by neighborhood vets, would be to fuzz over the sharp edges of any bitter memory of the experience. They also allowed the biologists to handle him: First they slipped a hood over his head to protect his eyes. Then they weighed him, measured him, sexed him, and aged him. They also removed a skin plug from an ear—a sample for a DNA record—and fitted him with a battery-operated radio collar. When the wild cat was done being manhandled he was injected with antibiotics. It’s a rough life being a young male lynx in Isabella.

    When he was released, L1 shot away from his captors like a cat out of hell. But records show he didn’t go far. His radio collar allowed him to be repeatedly located in a small area around Isabella during a three-week period. If you care to be anthropomorphic, you might say L1 wasn’t just sulking. He was carefully considering his options in the face of a cruel world. Then he decided. He was a young cat. The world was big. No way was he being drafted into a twisted human research project. L1 set out on his immense journey. Traveling more than a hundred miles, crossing streams and lakes and clawing through the great Boundary Waters blowdown of 1999, he didn’t rest until he’d crossed into Canada. During this trip, which biologists call a dispersal, L1 was lost to radio contact. He may, like the lynx photographed last summer at a Saginaw Lake campsite, have passed close to human visitors on his journey. And like all lynx, except during mating season in January, he traveled alone. He often hunted, failed, and was hungry. But he found enough prey—hare, squirrels, grouse—to sustain him. He was located again by biologists later in the spring when he settled into a new area deep in Ontario. After that, airborne radio trackers kept him on the air all summer and into the fall.

    Then, on November 28, L1 blundered into another trap. This time he died. Or, as biologists say, he was harvested.

    In Ontario, it is legal to hunt lynx. In Minnesota, it is not. In fact, it is illegal throughout the lower forty-eight states. In 2000, the Canadian lynx (the scientific name is Lynx canadensis) was given threatened status under the U.S. Endangered Species Act. This was the result of five lawsuits filed by a group called the Defenders of Wildlife. A flurry of funding for studies of the mysterious cat followed. L1’s northward dispersal is emblematic of the evolving state of knowledge regarding lynx.

    “It’s normal for them to disperse, but the conventional wisdom is that they disperse from Canada south,” said Ron Moen, a biologist involved in the first radio collar study, which was conducted by the Natural Resources Research Institute at the University of Minnesota in Duluth. “The conventional wisdom says our animals should not be going to Canada. We don’t know why L1 went north.”

    Conventional wisdom regarding lynx in Minnesota is amorphous at best. Some believe there are a few itinerant migrants from Canada that may be traveling through northeast Minnesota. Others think Canadian-born animals may come to Minnesota in the height of winter to breed. Others say lynx have never been particularly rare in Minnesota, they’re just too stealthy to be seen. Those beliefs, so far based primarily on intuition and anecdotal evidence, don’t add up to much. Biologists, woods workers, and environmentalists are an independent-thinking lot. With no solid science until the last four years, the state of the lynx in Minnesota has been more opinion than fact.

    In the human world, we often arrive at larger truths by “following the money.” In the animal world, the focus is on food sources. Like any predator, lynx are inextricably linked to their primary prey. Wildlife biologists says that when populations of snowshoe hare are low in prime Canadian lynx habitat, younger cats like L1 range farther afield. They disperse south, to what has been thought to be less desirable habitat, and take up temporary residence in Minnesota. All species of predators disperse from their place of birth in search of new territory with good habitat, minimal competition, and adequate prey. If they find it, they thrive. If they don’t, they die. In recent years, there has been a growing awareness of how privatizing property—putting up fences and building roads—compartmentalizes nature, and limits the movements of flora and fauna. But this is not yet a problem in northeastern Minnesota.

    The question then becomes: Does Minnesota really have a permanent lynx population? Or are the few that are padding around the north woods just tourists—lost anomalies wandering far from home?

    In the mid-nineties, that was the million-dollar question. Even people who spend lots of time in the forest, like hunters and trappers, weren’t seeing lynx. Maybe the rare track or two, but rarely a living, breathing cat. Based partly on those practical observations, Minnesota’s hair snare project was born in 1999. The snare involved a Velcro-like pad baited with catnip and castor oil. Hundreds of shiny pie tins were placed on a grid pattern across a small portion of the woods. The tins would pique the cat’s curiosity and lynx would, scientists speculated, come to rub against the deliciously scented pads. Hair left on the pads would have been sent to a lab and analyzed for DNA—if there had been any. None was collected. The conclusion many biologists officially endorsed: There were no lynx in Minnesota.

    Whether or not lynx are a functioning part of life’s web in northeastern Minnesota has institutional and social implications. If there are lynx they must be managed and, most likely, protected. Management means gearing up scientific and regulatory bureaucracies. Protection may have significant implications for land use. At least this is the typical human scramble to get on the case—and the most responsible one, knowing what we now do about how human behaviors impact nature, even at a great distance.

    But there are also aesthetic, even spiritual, issues at play. If the lynx is as much a part of northeastern Minnesota as the loon, wolf, and lichen, then those who gather deeper meaning from visiting these wilderness areas must value the wild cat on its own terms, as they do those other creatures. This duality lies at the heart of any serious conversation about human stewardship: We must protect these resources for ourselves and for themselves.

    That the lynx has not achieved the poster– child status of the loon or wolf has to do with the lack of scientific understanding, as well as institutional inertia. Quoted in the Minnesota Conservation Volunteer one month before L1 was trapped, Paul Burke, a biologist for the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service, said, “I think we have a very small number, but we do have some lynx. We may even have some reproduction, but that doesn’t make it a viable population.”

    “Not a viable population” is a sort of purgatory into which another one of Minnesota’s feline predators has been cast. It’s an imprecise term, but it is what biologists say about mountain lions in Minnesota. For example, even after hundreds of accidental but confirmed sightings of adults and kittens, state and federal biologists insist that Minnesota’s mountain lion population is not viable. Since the population is “not viable,” they don’t take a closer look, because that could lead to a legal status as threatened or endangered. Government agencies—not to mention private business interests—don’t want another endangered species. Among other things, it raises the specter of the timber wolf, which, following its listing as endangered, was studied by a generation of scientists for a quarter of a century at a cost of tens of millions of dollars. Mountain lions linger in nonviable status. Environmentalists weren’t about to let the lynx languish there, though.

    Burke’s comments were controversial, the more so because they came in the wake of the lynx finally being listed as threatened—in other words, the judgment was made that there actually was a viable population, and that it needed protection. It was a victory for activist groups like Defenders of Wildlife, but federal officials still seemed to be refusing to believe it. Mike Leahy, a biologist for the Defenders, saw Burke’ s comments as the rear guard of a lost battle.

    “We sued the Fish and Wildlife Service five times and won every time,” he said. “In spite of their mandate to protect species, federal agencies sometimes fear the implications of carrying out their duty with a listing. In the fifth lawsuit, though, even FWS scientists acknowledged that listing was warranted.”

    So what happened to overturn the previous conclusions? How had scientists failed to find lynx others were so certain were here? It is now widely assumed that the hair-snare study, which failed to find any cats in 1999, worked elsewhere in the country, but for some unknown reason didn’t work in Minnesota. The main reason that assumption is made is because, while the scientists’ snares did not capture any lynx hair, ordinary Minnesotans were seeing and photographing lynx. People who spend a lot of time in the woods were reporting growing numbers of snowshoe hare. Was there a connection between an upswing in the hare population and more lynx sightings?

    Ed Lindquist, a U.S. Forest Service biologist, decided there must be a common-sense approach to the growing evidence of lynx in the north woods. Lindquist began an old-fashioned lynx tracking program in the winter of 2001-2002. His idea was that if experienced trackers found lynx prints in the snow, and followed them backward, they would find what the hair snares failed to find: hair or droppings. Both would contain DNA. Lindquist’s tracking team started late the first winter, but they found more lynx sign than expected. The following winter they found more.

    “We’ve identified between fifty and sixty unique individuals,” Lindquist told me in August 2003. “We only surveyed about ten percent of the forest, so we believe there are lots more out there.”

    Lindquist’s team found more lynx, in part, because he looked in a way no one had previously. But he also likely found more because when snowshoe hare are abundant, lynx tend to have larger litters of kittens, and the kittens have a greater chance of surviving to adulthood. Although little is known about lynx in Minnesota, females appear to have their kittens in dens, often in hollow logs. Where lynx have been studied, they have between one to five kittens. If it’s true that lynx rely on snowshoe hare, and they thrive when their prey thrives, then there are still plenty of hare to support above-average lynx birth rates.

    When lynx kittens are grown, at about two years old, they weigh from twenty to forty pounds and are brown to gray on top with a gray to white belly. Not much is known about the size of a lynx’s territory: Canadian researchers have documented territories ranging from four square miles to one hundred square miles.

    Lindquist has much to say about the embryonic understanding of Minnesota’s lynx population and the advanced technologies used to study it. Even microscopic DNA work is more mutable then you might expect. “The lab has taken another look at the genetics and taken more strict rules in determining what constitutes an individual,” he told me last year, regarding the numbers of individuals his tracking team had located. “So our numbers were reduced slightly under these new rules.” Scientific understanding of evolution and short-range patterns can be like trying to get into a moving vehicle. However, there is now a generally set scientific assumption that lynx and snowshoe hare numbers, like many things in Minnesota’s northern boreal forest, ebb and flow in cyclical patterns. Lynx populations are thought to crest just behind the hare population’s peak. Declining hare numbers, it is believed, will drag lynx down with them. But nobody has watched closely before. It’s unclear what population peaks look like.

    When Burke grudgingly acknowledged there were a few lynx in Minnesota three years ago, he also said the hare were at their peak. Minnesota Department of Natural Resources biologists, who tabulate lynx sightings in Minnesota, said the same thing last year. Catching the peak of a population cycle is like corporate revenue forecasting. Reality is recorded well after the fact.

    “We’ve had a fairly high hare population for some time,” said Ron Moen, the NRRI biologist involved in the first radio-collaring project. “Some people say it’s starting to go down, or has been declining, for a while. But it varies in different parts of Northern Minnesota. It’s hard to pinpoint whether we’re down this year or next year.”

    During the few years that wildlife biologists have tuned their radar to lynx, they have gradually refined their research methodology. First there was the hair snare. Ed Lindquist and his tracking team followed. Now a team of agencies and biologists, along with a little financial help from Defenders of Wildlife, are concentrating their efforts on more NRRI collaring studies. Accuracy of scientific knowledge is often a function of how long research studies are conducted, and this is especially the case with lynx. “The research going on through NRRI is going to be extremely valuable because it will help us determine if lynx persist in Minnesota through the low part of the hare cycle,” said Phil Delphey, a Fish and Wildlife Service biologist in Minneapolis. “What NRRI is doing is really exciting.”

    When L1 took his long journey north, he was a lone ping in the wilderness. Since then, NRRI biologists have captured, collared, and released fourteen more lynx between Ely and Grand Marais. They’ve also added a satellite tracking component to some radio collars. These GPS collars allow the biologists to locate a lynx four times a day. The result is a fairly precise understanding of what kinds of habitat lynx hunt and sleep in.

    The data so far is a fairly raw conglomeration of details as meaningful, and puzzling, as L1’s journey. For instance, a mature female, L3, took a similar trip. She traveled northwest and disappeared. Her collar, but not her body, was discovered far from where she was originally trapped.

    “We haven’t had most of them on the air long enough to determine the home range, but the ones that we have had on the air for several months seem to have some boundaries they stay within,” the NRRI’s Moen said. “On the other hand, three of them have made an exploratory movement outside of those boundaries. Biologists don’t know why they do this. Hopefully, we will have some answers by the time this study is done.”

    The collars have given the researchers a license to act the voyeur. L5 and L7 spent an inordinate amount of time together in February, according to records. The talk around the office was that there had been a liaison. Kittens arrived in May or early June, and the NRRI was able to photograph them and post pictures on its website.

    Another interesting collateral truth confirmed by the most recent round of studies is that bobcats (Felis rufus) roam the north woods. Bobcats don’t have the big padded feet and long back legs that make lynx specialists at catching hare in deep snow. Beyond that, though, they look a lot like lynx, with only slight differences in ear shape and tail color.

    There probably aren’t many bobcats in northeastern Minnesota, either, but two were captured in box traps in early April 2004. Both were given radio collars. Earlier, some DNA collected in the wild confirmed that there are at least two animals in Northern Minnesota that are what biologists are calling lynx-bobcat hybrids. Until very recently, biologists had not known mating occurred between the species. It was thought their territories rarely, if ever, overlapped.

    In fact, one of the NRRI study’s explicit goals is to try to understand the relationship between lynx and bobcats. Some environmentalists say bobcat populations are increasing because logging roads provide them with access into new areas. They say logging roads give the presumably alien bobcat an advantage. But at least one member of Ed Lindquist’s tracking team has seen lynx using logging roads. It is possible that lynx and bobcats have always intermingled.

    The matter of roads and habitat is not insignificant. With the Endangered Species Act listing, the Fish and Wildlife Service will be required to put together a recovery plan for the lynx. A recent sixth court victory by Defenders of Wildlife requires the federal government to designate critical lynx habitat before anybody really knows what it is, says Phil Delphey of the Fish and Wildlife Service. Critical habitat is the mix of habitat lynx need to feed, rest, and procreate successfully. Since it has barely been acknowledged that there are lynx in Minnesota, it may be presumptuous, at this point, to say what is ideal habitat for the species.

    “Good lynx habitat is good snowshoe hare habitat,” Phil Delphey said. “Good habitat for snowshoe hare, beyond the issue of deep north woods snow, is habitat with a lot of stems. They like any kind of dense shrubs or dense tree regrowth. One type of potential habitat would be new growth after logging or fire. They can also prosper in old growth areas where trees have fallen and new growth starts. The blowdown in the Boundary Waters might be good snowshoe hare habitat.”

    Having said that, Delphey, like L1 on his solitary journey northward, quietly questions the heart of conventional wisdom on lynx. Snowshoe hare, he asserts, may not be as central to a lynx diet, and thus its survival, as is currently believed
    “A lot of people think lynx may not be well adapted to prey on anything other than snowshoe hares, but there’s at least one study that shows that lynx are able to switch pretty readily to prey on red squirrels,” he said. “Good red squirrel habitat is different than good snowshoe hare habitat, but those habitats can intermingle in patches.”

    Delphey said his agency isn’t in any position to say what critical lynx habitat would look like. Neither does the agency have the knowledge to say what a healthy population of lynx, one that wouldn’t require protection under threatened status, would look like. Since the court has ordered critical habitat designation, however, the Fish and Wildlife Service will proceed.

    “They were supposed to designate critical habitat when they listed in 2000,” Defenders of Wildlife biologist Leahy said. “We’ve been pushing them for ten years, saying that’s what they should be doing. They are charged with Endangered Species and they have the authority to err on the side of caution.”

    Leahy’s organization says the bulk of lynx habitat, both in Minnesota and elsewhere in the country, is on public lands. Pressures for public land use, such as recreation and logging, are getting in the way of following the law, they say. Defenders of Wildlife say clear-cut logging, and the road-building it necessitates, along with overzealous fire suppression, have been destructive to both snowshoe hare and lynx habitats.
    Defenders literature says, “Snowmobiling is of particular concern due to the compact trails that crisscross the landscape in the winter months. These trails allow coyotes and bobcats to reach areas that they were once unable to access. As a result, the lynx now must compete for the snowshoe hare, thus reducing their main food source.”

    Many environmental organizations believe that recreational and industrial demands on public lands are keeping the FWS from exercising its statutory obligation. The government biologists, on the other hand, assert that the environmentalists have been trying to move too quickly these last ten years. Privately, at least one biologist asserted the organizations exaggerate the threatened nature of the species to build support for their organization.

    Everybody, however, appears to be pleased with the direction of the NRRI study. Results produced by L1 and other radio-collared lynx may provide some answers, and lower the acrimony between the humans.

    Last May, three radio-collared female lynx had kittens in Minnesota. One litter had five, another had three, and the third had two.