Author: Brian Lambert

  • Paging Ross Kirgiss … Hello Ross Kirgiss?

    Already a little light in the reporter-body department, KSTP-TV lost another one when Ross Kirgiss, a 13-year vet, abruptly cleaned out his desk, apparently over the New Year’s weekend, and vacated the Hubbard ranch. Colleagues who have tried to contact him since say they’ve heard nothing back.

    I’m told Kirgiss had several months to go on his latest contract, but that for whatever the reason finally had enough and bailed under the cloak of a holiday. In the biz that’s called a “burn your bridges” move.

    Several KSTP staffers remember Kirgiss not being too pleased when the station yanked the consumer beat he enjoyed doing, being further annoyed when he was slid back into the general assignment pool, and being mightily peeved when the suits started consumer reporting back up … without him.

    How much that played in his decision, I can’t say. But Kirgiss is gone, and KSTP, which still hasn’t replaced Joe Schmit, Mike Binkley and Kristin Stinar … has others spread pretty thin. Like, for example, Tom Hauser, who is doing super duty anchoring the morning show, (Binkley’s old job), while still hosting “At Issue”, and covering politics.

    Can you stand on an overpass in blizzard? Obstruct the view of a burning house while covering a fire? Issue warnings to stay off thin ice? Apply immediately to 3415 University Avenue.

  • The Canary in the Mine Shaft

    Difficult decision tonight. Watch the premiere of the new series, formerly titled, “Let’s Rob Mick Jagger”, (now known as “The Knights of Prosperity”), or catch a screening of the Judi Dench-as-crazed-repressed-lesbian flick, “Notes on a Scandal”? I hear Jagger is actually pretty funny in the former, but, damn, I’m a sucker for psycho grand dames.
    Until I decide on that weighty matter, I continue to monitor the trepidations of the Star Tribune staff in the wake of the paper’s sale to Avista Capital Partners. As I’ve said previously, there isn’t much in the way of precedent to reassure either the community or the staff that the Star Tribune will be a better newspaper under private equity management. Maybe that’ll be the case, but, believe me antennae in the Strib newsroom are up and on hi-gain for the earliest indicator of Avista’s true intentions, the canary is in the mineshaft and sniffing for gas.
    Avista won’t close on the Star Tribune purchase until late February, but the new operators will play a role in deciding on a replacement for editor/Sr. VP, Anders Gyllenhaal, who is leaving for the Miami Herald. The choice of a known commodity, like the Strib’s current managing editor, Scott Gillespie, will, I’m told, be viewed positively by the newsroom. Along with being familiar with the area and to the staff, Gillespie is generally regarded as, both “a human being” and more newspaper man than corporate accountant. Anyone can change, of course, when their career suddenly depends on squeezing 8% more profit per quarter out of the company turnip, but the consensus of the moment seems to be that Stribbers much prefer their chances with Gillespie than yet another grey slacks and blue blazer transient from the Avista management training farm.
    The appearance of the latter type will evoke two responses: A glut of resumes on city streets from every non-revenue-producing Star Tribune employee, and a “battle stations” call to the various unions.
    Veteran business writer, Mike Meyers, a “silverback” in the Strib newsroom, believes if Avista, “is going to squeeze, they’ll squeeze early.” He isn’t sure if any of his colleagues should be comforted by publisher Keith Moyer staying on, since logic suggests there’s a significant advantage … to Avista … in having a guy in place who knows where cuts can be made.
    No hippie, Meyers insists he’d like to see Avista, or any owner make gobs of money via the Star Tribune’s papa gorilla status in the Twin Cities advertising market. He reminds me that the paper’s share of all local advertising revenue actually increased over the past year to a whopping 40%-plus — in a year allegedly so grim for mainstream newspapers.
    “But there are an awful lot of ‘strip and flip’ artists out there,” says Meyers, returning to most Stribbers’ default position of guilty until proven innocent.
    Personally, Meyers is fascinated with the real estate Avista is picking up, at a time when a very well-heeled developer, Vikings owner, Zygi Wilf, is making loud sniffing noises of his own, downtown and around the Metrodome, where the Star Tribune owns five city blocks.
    “The $25 million figure for all that property is a joke,” says Meyers . “The true value is much closer to $100 million. I mean, the land under the new Target store [on Nicollet Mall] sold for $27 million in 1998.”
    If true, Avista is almost guaranteed a fat profit on its’ fire sale investment of $530 million, even if it flips the keys to someone new in a couple years. More to the point, Avista could … COULD, I say … achieve its profit goals without laying off staff and reducing coverage, as so many other publicly-owned papers are doing.
    There is no consensus on whether a decision to scale back or dump completely the myriad ancillary publications the Strib is churning out, including the recently launched entertainment freebie, VitaMN, is a canary killer. If resources currently being consumed by all these peripheral publications were reoriented back into the primary product — the daily newspaper — instead of a death swoon the little birdy might even chirp brightly.

  • That's "Par" for the Course …

    As someone who never tired of railing at copy editors sucking the life — the precious bodily fluids — out of my copy, I realize this blogging thing has the downside of requiring me to re-re-read my own stuff. Brutal. But I’ll do my best to keep the corrections coming, promptly.

    “Par” Ridder. Not Parr.

  • Hitchens Got This Right

    Is it me or has the eulogizing of Gerry Ford now gone on longer than his presidency? Let enough be enough or at least let someone on the air who attempts to put Ford in some kind of rational perspective. By the 24 hour mark after his death, I was maxing out on the “decency” of the old guy and how many times he was credited with saving the Republic, the flag, Michigan apples and football from the throes of Watergate. And that from well-paid professionals like Charlie Gibson, Katie Couric and Brian Williams who were alive and allegedly conscious when Ford did his thankfully brief, unelected stint in the White House. Come on.

    I’m not a fan of the journalistic impulse to play unsolicted national eulogizer. Most of the time it feels like self-importance has trumped journalistic sense. Yes, yes, Ford was President and we/they (the networks) must, of course, show excessive respect for the office, at least at the moment of passing. But here’s a thought, if only for, you know, a little competitive differtiation. How about seizing the opportunity to put history in context and deliver a quick, clear-eyed analysis of what Ford did and didn’t do, based on the 30 years that have passed and how much clearer it all is now?

    Somewhere in 24/7 newsland maybe someone got in a word about the way Ford — with his “Midwest decency” — carried water for just about every viperous twist of statecraft that played during his long career in D.C. And yeah, that willingness to question little while agreeing to much probably is why Nixon tapped him to replace Spiro Agnew.

    Christopher Hitchens is an acquired taste — often like swallowing curdled milk — but in the Slate.com column attached below he nails perfectly the press’s refusal to apply realpolitik journalism to the endless Ford remembrances.

    What’s more, with Ford’s funeral and burial, you can bet he and any further analysis of his role in stage-setting the world he have today will be forgotten quicker than last year’s “Project Runway” losers.

    Our Short National Nightmare
    How President Ford managed to go soft on Iraqi Baathists, Indonesian fascists, Soviet Communists, and the shah … in just two years.
    By Christopher Hitchens
    Posted Friday, Dec. 29, 2006, at 2:08 PM ET

    One expects a certain amount of piety and hypocrisy when retired statesmen give up the ghost, but this doesn’t excuse the astonishing number of omissions and misstatements that have characterized the sickly national farewell to Gerald Ford. One could graze for hours on the great slopes of the massive obituaries and never guess that during his mercifully brief occupation of the White House, this president had:

    1.
    Disgraced the United States in Iraq and inaugurated a long period of calamitous misjudgment of that country.
    2.
    Colluded with the Indonesian dictatorship in a gross violation of international law that led to a near-genocide in East Timor.
    3.
    Delivered a resounding snub to Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn at the time when the Soviet dissident movement was in the greatest need of solidarity.

    Instead, there was endless talk about “healing,” and of the “courage” that it had taken for Ford to excuse his former boss from the consequences of his law-breaking. You may choose, if you wish, to parrot the line that Watergate was a “long national nightmare,” but some of us found it rather exhilarating to see a criminal president successfully investigated and exposed and discredited. And we do not think it in the least bit nightmarish that the Constitution says that such a man is not above the law. Ford’s ignominious pardon of this felonious thug meant, first, that only the lesser fry had to go to jail. It meant, second, that we still do not even know why the burglars were originally sent into the offices of the Democratic National Committee. In this respect, the famous pardon is not unlike the Warren Commission: another establishment exercise in damage control and pseudo-reassurance (of which Ford was also a member) that actually raised more questions than it answered. The fact is that serious trials and fearless investigations often are the cause of great division, and rightly so. But by the standards of “healing” celebrated this week, one could argue that O.J. Simpson should have been spared indictment lest the vexing questions of race be unleashed to trouble us again, or that the Tower Commission did us all a favor by trying to bury the implications of the Iran-Contra scandal. Fine, if you don’t mind living in a banana republic.

    To enlarge on the points that I touched upon above: Bob Woodward has gone into print this week with the news that Ford opposed the Bush administration’s intervention in Iraq. But Ford’s own interference in the life of that country has gone unmentioned. During his tenure, and while Henry Kissinger was secretary of state, the United States secretly armed and financed a Kurdish rebellion against Saddam Hussein. This was done in collusion with the Shah of Iran, who was then considered in Washington a man who could do no wrong. So that when the shah signed a separate peace with Saddam in 1975, and abandoned his opportunist support for the Kurds, the United States shamefacedly followed his lead and knifed the Kurds in the back. The congressional inquiry led by Rep. Otis Pike was later to describe this betrayal as one of the most cynical acts of statecraft on record.

    In December 1975, Ford was actually in the same room as Gen. Suharto of Indonesia when the latter asked for American permission to impose Indonesian military occupation on East Timor. Despite many denials and evasions, we now possess the conclusive evidence that Ford (and his deputy Kissinger) did more than simply nod assent to this outrageous proposition. They also undertook to defend it from criticism in the United States Congress and elsewhere. From that time forward, the Indonesian dictatorship knew that it would not lack for armaments or excuses, both of these lavishly supplied from Washington. The figures for civilian deaths in this shameful business have never been properly calculated, but may well amount to several hundred thousand and thus more than a quarter of East Timor’s population.

    Ford’s refusal to meet with Solzhenitsyn, when the great dissident historian came to America, was consistent with his general style of making excuses for power. As Timothy Noah has suggested lately, there seems to have been a confusion in Ford’s mind as to whether the Helsinki Treaty was intended to stabilize, recognize, or challenge the Soviet domination of Eastern Europe. However that may be, the great moral component of the Helsinki agreement—that it placed the United States on the side of the repressed populations—was ridiculed by Ford’s repudiation of Solzhenitsyn, as well as by his later fatuities on the nature of Soviet domination. To have been soft on Republican crime, soft on Baathism, soft on the shah, soft on Indonesian fascism, and soft on Communism, all in one brief and transient presidency, argues for the sort of sportsmanlike Midwestern geniality that we do not ever need to see again.

    Finally to the Mayaguez. Ford did not dispatch forces to “rescue” the vessel, as so many of his obituarists have claimed. He ordered an attack on the Cambodian island of Koh Tang, several hours after the crew of the ship had actually been released. A subsequent congressional inquiry discovered that he, and Henry Kissinger, could have discovered as much by monitoring Cambodian radio and contacting foreign diplomats. Eighteen Marines and 23 USAF men were killed in this pointless exercise in bravado, as were many Cambodians. The American names appear on the Vietnam memorial in Washington, even though their lives were lost long after the undeclared war was officially “over.” The Ford epoch did not banish a nightmare. It ended a dream—the ideal of equal justice under the law that would extend to a crooked and venal president. And in Iraq and Indonesia and Indochina, it either protracted existing nightmares or gave birth to new ones.
    Christopher Hitchens is a columnist for Vanity Fair. His most recent book is Thomas Jefferson: Author of America.

    Article URL: http://www.slate.com/id/2156400/

  • Strib Queasiness

    The surprise sale of the Star Tribune to a recently-formed private equity partnership has left reporters and other mid-level employees in a full churn of speculation, almost none of it good. There just isn’t handy model for these things improving the service to community or the professional/personal lives of working stiff journalists.

    Nick Coleman got a round of “atta boys” from Strib colleagues for his column ripping McClatchy management for pretty much bailing on all the noble promises it made to the staff and community. It was ballsy stuff. Its refreshing to read someone brave enough to bite off the hand that fed him. My understanding is Coleman’s fill-in, holiday week editor, Nancy Barnes, took heat from McClatchy suits in Sacramento, but, bottom line, supported the column.

    If you want to play cockeyed optimist, (i.e. delusional sap), here are a couple speculations floating in the aftermath of the Strib sale.

    1: Avista, the private equity gang, may well have bought in strictly because the paper came available at such a startling fire sale price, roughly 40% of what McClatchy paid less than a decade ago, (and that because dumping the Star Tribune was McClatchy’s easiest, fastest, one-step move to avoid a brutal capital gains tax bill). Avista may have figured that at a price like that they can flip the thing in three-four years and see a profit … at which point … perhaps … maybe … a truly private and possibly LOCAL ownership offer … might … be feasible.

    At $1.2 billion, (McClatchy’s buying price), there isn’t anyone in Minnesota with the means to take the paper over. Certainly not with every major revenue indicator pointing downward. BUT … at $530, plus Avista’s profit/carrying charge, there might be three or four.

    Those three or four will take great interest in what becomes of the Los Angeles Times, where billionaire David Geffen, perhaps with one or two other tycoons, may take that paper private, and out of the grinding, reductive profit demands of Wall St.

    “Private” doesn’t guarantee a commitment to full staffing and adequate resources to cover the 14th largest media market, but “LOCAL private ownership”, under the kind of “benign despot” model, holds out a glimmer of a dream whereby the one person responsible for any naked gutting of a high profile institution like a daily newspaper, would be available around town and have to submit to the kind of terse, country club bar confrontations that have an influence far larger than the mutterings of a couple hundred $60k/year reporters.

    2. The other speculation is a win/lose proposition for local newspaper employees. Avista COULD decide that one way to goose profits would be to make a concerted effort to truly control the entire Twin Cities market.

    The St. Paul Pioneer Press of today is competition in name only. Gutted first by Knight-Ridder’s private equity investors, hollowed out again by Media News this past Thanksgiving, and facing the very high likelihood that Media News will continue to devour it for profits via next summer’s Guild contract negotiations (or lack thereof), the Pioneer Press is in no position to suppress a full Star Tribune “surge” across the east metro. (It hasn’t been for years.)

    Pioneer Press publisher, Parr Ridder, came to town talking the generic line of being a geographical alternative to the Star Tribune. The gaping hole in that logic being that the the Strib can be found everywhere the Pioneer Press is, while the Pioneer Press hasn’t ventured west of the Mississippi since Herbert Hoover. The two papers often sit side by side each other east of the river. One twice the size of the other, with indisputably broader coverage of the entire Twin Cities “community”.

    Point being the Pioneer Press’s lunch is there for the taking … assuming Avista “invests” in the cost of expanded circulation and east metro staffing … not something a quick-turn equity crowd is expected to do. BUT, if they begin and show progress devaluing the Pioneer Press to east side shopper status, Avista’s successors might let that inform their judgment.

    But for the foreseeable future world class skeptics will be asessing Avista’s every move for the first indication of business-as-usual profit-by-decontenting.

  • Let the Slaughter Begin …

    According to conventional mythology a new blog is born every second, each with an average readership of … one. I hope to do better than that, if only for the sake of Rake publisher, Tom Bartel, who, after months of brutal negotiations has finally consented to attach my idle, crackpot meanderings to his otherwise sober-minded publication … and who also owns a lot of guns.

    My primary concern here is much the same as it was for the 15 years I played media reporter/critic at the St. Paul Pioneer Press. At its’ most basic it is this: Who is manipulating who, how and why? Not only is the influence of media pervasive and inescapable in modern America, it is in

    a state of furious flux. Much of the so-called mainstream media, TV networks, daily newspapers and radio empires is suffering from their Faustian bargain with their investors. They’ve diminished the integrity and relevancy of their products, substituting — in my humble opinion — a lot of knucklehead pandering, also known as bullshit — for truth, accuracy and information useful to sustaining better lives and common culture. Very ironically, a lot of this heavily researched “entertainment” and “news” is also humorless and ponderously self-important. Come on folks, there is a happier medium, somewhere between giddy celebrity worship and homogenized, risk-averse corporate-speak.

    In case you wonder, I owe the title of this blog, “Lambert to the Slaughter”, to local media luminary, Tim Sherno, whose name, (as I read the notarized memo he sent), “is synonomous in the Twin Cities market with Edward R. Murrow, William O. Douglas and John C. Holmes.”

    The implications of sale of the Star Tribune, the new found reverence for the wisdom of Gerald Ford, and the visuals of the last minutes of Saddam Hussein are all topics I’ll get to before the banks open again on Tuesday.

  • Where I’m Calling From

    There are several vital tricks to surviving life at a daily newspaper, like I did at the Pioneer Press for fifteen years. One is a developed affinity for list-making, especially end-of-the-year list-making. So, Rake readers, as my first act in this space, a list … of the best and worst in media for 2006.

    The Best …
    • Dexter Filkins and John Burns of the New York Times, and CNN’s Michael Ware, from Iraq; MSNBC’s Keith Olbermann from New York: Long before the media peloton found the gonads to describe what was happening in the Mideast, the first three offered vivid reporting from inside the shattered society. Exploiting the freedom of cable news, Olbermann has lifted righteous indignation to an art form.

    • Jon Stewart and Steven Colbert: It is impossible to under-appreciate the salutary effect of the mirror Stewart and Colbert have held up to America’s cowed, corporate journalist/pundit class, and Colbert’s appearance at last spring’s White House Correspondents’ Dinner (also see, “Worst of … ”) was a watershed moment, dividing the relevant from the fatuous.

    • Dan Froomkin’s White House Briefing blog for the Washington Post: While every Capitol Hill and prep-sports reporter is rushing to produce an “edgy” blog, usually while straining to drain it of the pedantic institutional voice long-revered as “balanced” and “objective,” Froomkin has broken through the firewall with consistently well-informed aggregation and spot-on analysis.

    • Reality Check by WCCO-TV’s Pat Kessler, and Is That A Fact? by the Strib’s Eric Black: These truth-assessing vehicles, driven by deeply sourced, mainstream, veteran reporters, represent the sort of thing I used to think was a fundamental responsibility of journalism, namely, ascertaining and saying out loud what is true and what isn’t.

    • Hugh Laurie as House, and Ian McShane as Al Swearengen on Deadwood: One of my pet theories holds that an essential quality of adulthood is the desire to forgo sentimentality in entertainment. TV characters like House and Swearengen evoke the kind of snarly, sinewy associations with real life that gird you for battle in the company mines tomorrow morning.

    The Worst …
    • Fox’s If I Did It O.J. Simpson special: I still say Fox will attempt to air a live execution before the end of the decade. But until then, offering a homicidal psychopath sweeps-month prime time to discuss how he “might” have cut his wife’s head off is about as low and crass as it gets. To listen to Fox mogul Rupert Murdoch feign remorse only added to the insult. Rupert, try this: “We’re very sorry … that we were going to lose money. But we’re negotiating for the Britney/K-Fed sex tape as I speak.”

    • The Washington, D.C., media cognoscenti at last spring’s White House Correspondents’ Dinner: If you ever wondered how Cheney and Bush got the press to cheerlead for the invasion of Iraq, your answer could be plainly seen on the lifted, tucked, and self-satisfied faces of the media elite as they reacted with befuddlement and horror to Stephen Colbert’s vivisective “praise” of Bush’s, and their, manifest incompetence.

    • The disparity between political advertising and political reporting on local television: A University of Wisconsin survey of seven Midwest TV markets showed local TV news devoted twice as much time in the 2006 election season to political advertising as to political coverage. At what point does someone step in and say, “You get these broadcast licenses for nothing, and this avalanche of noxious ads is free money to you. So get off your asses and do your community the service of telling them who is lying and who isn’t.”

    • Bruce Sherman: Who? Sherman is CEO and chief investment officer of Private Capital Management LP, of Naples, Florida. More than any other individual’s, Sherman’s demands for greater profits (excuse me, “shareholder value”) were responsible for Knight-Ridder, the newspaper company, selling off properties like the St. Paul Pioneer Press, which eventually fell into the hands of a sweatshop company by the name of MediaNews. Along the way, hundreds of middle-class families were hit by lay-offs as Knight Ridder papers gutted their newsrooms. Did I mention that Sherman’s contract paid three hundred million dollars if he delivered the “shareholder value”?

  • Disaster Glam

    Those familiar with glossy nine-dollar magazines might think they know what to expect by now: hundreds of pages featuring cadaverous European models draped in preposterous clothes and posed in surreal lighting, all presented with an editorial attitude that falls somewhere between the court of the Sun King and a Chelsea heroin rave.

    Experiences with that standard model make it all the more startling and disorienting to open the premiere issue of Need, an elegantly designed magazine devoted not to sybaritic excesses but to the Samaritan ethic. Published from a Northeast Minneapolis home, this periodical apparently intends to glamorize—or at least place an artful halo around—people and organizations responding to human crises like disease, famine, and warfare.

    Need, which launched a few weeks ago in a press run of 25,000, has to be one of the classiest if most improbable labors of love we’ve encountered in a long time. After all, run-of-the-mill publications from charitable organizations barely qualify as pamphlets. Printed on borrowed dimes and filled with artless photos of doctors, nurses, patients, and donors, their sole purpose is clearly to coax contributions. And that haphazard production quality can be perversely reassuring; doesn’t it imply that whatever money the organization manages to shake loose from donors is actually going to the cause in question—African victims of AIDS, Sudanese victims of civil war, Malaysian victims of tsunamis, Pakistani victims of earthquakes, whomever—and not toward home-office frills?

    But Kelly and Stephanie Kinnunen see it differently. The thirty-nine-year-old husband-and-wife team publish Need. “What we’ve learned,” Ms. Kinnunen recently explained, “is that charities that put out low-quality materials don’t get as good a response as the few that are providing something better.”

    More to the point, Need isn’t a charitable organization; it’s a magazine about charitable organizations and the people whose energies sustain them. The cover shot on the winter 2006 issue is a poignant close-up of a bright-eyed Afghani schoolboy in a yellow cap, clutching his pencil. It, and an interior series of photographs from Afghanistan, were provided gratis by veteran Magnum photographer Steve McCurry, who’s been shooting in that country since 1979.

    At least in its initial stages, all of Need’s contributors are working pro bono. “Eventually, we hope to offer our writers and photographers some sort of compensation,” Kinnunen said, “but we’ve been pleased at the response we’ve gotten from people like Steve McCurry.”

    The magazine’s first-rate design is the work of another fledgling company, Fusion Hill, also located in Northeast. Cofounder Kasey Worrell Hatzung said her thirteen-person company is on board for at least the next three issues, partly because she and business partner Kerry Sarnoski are simpatico with the Need mission and partly because an “image-driven” magazine like Need is a terrific calling card for their careers.

    Included in the premiere issue are a piece on the American Refugee Committee’s work in the aftermath of the 2004 tsunami and a series of before-and-after photos of people with cleft palates and massive tumors who have been treated aboard the mercy ship Anastasis. While it’s a bit strange to see the cruelly impoverished and disfigured displayed with the same aesthetic sheen as international clothes horses, on the other hand—why not?

    “It is a really well-done magazine,” said Therese Gales of the Twin Cities-based American Refugee Committee. “We like that it treats the people who have suffered in these faraway disasters like actual individuals. That’s very important in terms of making an audience respond.”

    What is perhaps more difficult is to look at a magazine with the coffee-table manners of Need without running the basic expenses—chief among them, the costs of a lovely, lustrous paper stock and top-notch printing—in your head. Conceived as a quarterly, Need’s first issue was produced, said Kinnunen, on a budget of “about $50,000. Maybe a little more.” She also admitted they sold “only $4,200 in ads” for their inaugural issue and that she and her husband have pretty much “maxed out our credit cards.”

    Need Communications, Inc., originally hoped to be a nonprofit. But the Kinnunens were quickly confronted with an inescapable irony: In order to tell, in a compelling and artful style, stories about the people and agencies they wanted to help, they would have to compete against those very same people and agencies for donor dollars. So for now, Need is a for-profit corporation—at least in the eyes of the IRS. Even Kinnunen conceded, “We’ll probably never turn a profit.”

    Now that, folks, is what you call charitable giving.

  • News Junkie

    **Note: See the July 20th NYTimes Magazine cover excerpt from Carr’s forthcoming book, The Night of the Gun. Carr discusses the book August 14th at Magers and Quinn Booksellers and August 18th at Common Good Books.**

    David Carr is slouched against the sweaty door of a cab whose shock absorbers long ago lost the battle with New York City potholes. As the cab rumbles through lower Manhattan, I reflect on my old friend, who is now the media columnist for the New York Times, and the many miles he’s traveled from his Hopkins hometown and the days of fifty-dollar freelance checks. But he’s not thinking about that. Between jolts, he’s attempting to explain his current problem: the obstacles he encounters trying to make real, tactile, journalistic contact within the throbbing heart of New York City’s culture.

     

    “It took me awhile to figure it out here,” Carr says, “where access is controlled and iterated over a series of rooms.

    “I’d be working a story and I’d find myself in a room, where there might be a movie star, or somebody who ran a media company. A room where there was, at long last, no line at the bar, and where that heinous piped-in house music had finally been turned off, and where, if somebody wanted to smoke, they could just smoke. And I figured that after passing through three rooms to get there, to that fourth room, I had finally made it to the epicenter—the white-hot center of New York.”

    The lights of the city blur by, looking unusually lurid and feverish in the oppressive heat of the June night. There’s a view over by the West Side Highway Carr wants me to see. “But then,” he continues, “after I had been in the city awhile, I realized there were probably at least four more rooms, none of which I had known about, much less been to, all of which sort of ended in some final room where, I don’t know, I figured if I ever got there I’d find Henry Kissinger and Madonna fucking a goat.”

    The New York Times will never publish “Henry Kissinger,” “Madonna,” “fucking,” and “goat” in the same sentence. Still, having Carr on one of the paper’s highest profile beats bodes well for one of the biggest pillars of mainstream media. In hiring him, the Times trusted its instinct for unique talent and made peace with a personal résumé that had plenty of Carr’s Minnesota friends doubting that their friend, now forty-nine years old, would ever see thirty. Few people have recovered from a fall so deep into the freaky abyss of addiction, physiological disease, personal dysfunction, and professional discredit.

    To those who know Carr, and likewise were nurtured by media icons such as Hunter S. Thompson, Tom Wolfe, and Joseph Mitchell, his taste for goatish journalistic imagery feels both apt and cathartic. It is quintessential “alternative” stuff. The laughter it evokes confirms and challenges our favorite suspicions. Who doesn’t think, watching the headlines and the appalling distortions of so much of popular media, that the mainstream press couldn’t use a few strokes of vulgar color?

    As for Carr (which is how old Minnesota friends refer to him, though he pointedly insists on “David” rather than “Dave”), his eight-rooms-of-Manhattan analogy is personally apt. It rests on bedrock Carr fascinations—the buzz of pursuit and the adjacency to power, political and sexual—and almost as an aftertaste, it is capped by a distinctly Irish outlook: “They’re all sinners, them lacey types, just like us.” And Carr knows his sinnin’. After a “career Irish” upbringing in Hopkins and college at University of Wisconsin-River Falls and the University of Minnesota, he became a bona fide player, certainly within the subculture of the Twin Cities. For roughly a decade, including most of the 80s, Carr out-rocked some of the towns’ hardest rockers, writers, artists, and dopers, closing as many grimy bars as Charles Bukowski and ingesting more illegal narcotics than any Hunter S. Thompson-wannabe who ever lived to tell about it.

    But things got rough. He divorced, cratered into crack addiction, and fathered twin daughters by a woman who exhibited some of the same problems as Carr. Almost simultaneous with the arrival of his daughters, and after failing three previous shots at treatment, Carr did a term at Eden House in Minneapolis, which is not exactly known for its Hazelden-style accommodations. Then, as if that weren’t enough, there were chemo and radiation treatments after he was diagnosed with Hodgkin’s disease.

    But somehow, encouraged by family members and dozens of Twin Cities friends, but largely on his own resources, Carr popped the sewer grate and hauled himself back up to street level.

    “There was nothing in my family history that condoned being a bad parent,” he said of the view that his time at Eden House provided, and the slap of adult responsibility he experienced there. “I had two eight-month-old daughters. So it wasn’t just me. But, other than that, there really was no Prince Hal moment, where I rose up from under the bar table to become king of England.”

    “David had a lot of support when he went through [Eden House],” recalled Eddie Nagle, who owned Eli’s bar on Hennepin for eleven years until moving to Wisconsin in 2004. Carr calls Nagle, whom he has known since 1981, “maybe my best friend.”

    “He is fiercely loyal to people who are loyal to him, and a lot of people were. But the thing with him is that he’s the kind of guy who always finds a way to get it done. In the dark days, that meant another stop and another round before calling it a night, or in the case of treatment, locking himself up for ninety days in a nut house and getting it done. He’s got that quality. With David the answer is never ‘No.’ ”

    Within four years of leaving Eden House in 1989, Carr became editor of the erstwhile alternative weekly Twin Cities Reader. In 1995, he was recruited to head up City Paper, Washington, D.C.’s well-respected alternative weekly. In 2000, Carr went to New York to write for Inside.com—the high-profile, albeit ultimately doomed project of Kurt Andersen, the Spy magazine co-creator, new media wunderkind, and public-radio host. Though that gig was short lived, Carr parlayed it into contracts with the Atlantic and New York magazines, before being courted by and going over to the Times business section in 2003 to cover the publishing beat. And in June, he signed a six-figure book deal with Simon and Schuster to tell the story of his life so far.

    Carr describes the book as a “transparent memoir.” He pitched it as something of an antithesis to James Frey-style fabulism. Instead of offering his view of his life, he will produce a fully journalistic, third-person, reportorial autobiography, one based on the grim paper trail of rehab, police, and foster-care records, and the not-always-comforting recollections of friends, lovers, and colleagues who were once tossed in his wake.

    “You and I have talked about a number of stories from my past,” Carr told me. “Some of them are good, some of them are boring. Some of them are true. Maybe some of them are not.

    “We all tend to construct these broad narratives about ourselves, where we are an anti-hero or a victim. [The book] will be document-based, so it’ll be more about how other people see me. Mostly set against these stories I’ve told through the years. And I’m not talking about me as a journalist. I’m talking about me as a human being—my Irish heritage, my penchant for hyperbole, and my need to keep dissonance at bay.”

    With college tuition payments for his twins staring him in the face, and having sniffed real cash up close for the past few years, Carr is determined to make the book both journalistically credible and “commercially successful.” To that end, he promises that it will include an elaborate video-blog component. For some of Carr’s Minnesota pals—the tossed-in-the-wake crowd—the acid test for this project will be how successful he is in avoiding the cardinal sin of confessional memoirs: namely, becoming a dreaded auto-hagiography creep.

    David Brauer is one of Carr’s oldest friends. A former editor of Skyway News and Southwest Journal, and a current commentator for MPR, he and Carr got started in journalism together—and at critical moments found themselves competing for the same job and recognition. (Carr concedes, with a modicum of remorse, that he took a covert path all those years ago in beating out Brauer for the editor job at the Reader.)

    “I regard him as one of the most influential people in my life,” said Brauer. “But David makes for a very complicated friend.” Carr taped a video-interview of Brauer for his memoir last summer, and they slogged through the delicate, hot-button stuff.

    “I hope David deploys his full talent on this book. But I have this fear, once he looks at everything, he won’t go all the way. There may be some very hard truths he’s still not willing to confront.” That said, Brauer added, “I have no problem at all saying that David took me places and got me to do things I would have never done without him, and for that I’m forever grateful.”

    Laughing at his own sordid recollections, Brauer said, “David showed me how to do a whole pharmacy cabinet of drugs. But, I have to say, I’m a better, smarter, more aware person because of the time we spent together.

    “When people ask, I always describe him as a ‘personality tornado.’ He sweeps people up and drops you down miles from where you started. He is definitely one of those ‘The State is Me’ kind of guys.”

    Carr’s current beat—covering the congenitally unapologetic mega-egos of American media, and, this past winter, the over-the-top preening of Hollywood’s Oscar campaign—doesn’t surprise Brauer at all. “David’s ambition has always been palpable. Writing about powerful people is perfect for him. He loves power. He’s drawn to it. He has the same kind of ambition as the people he writes about.”

    My own experience with Carr began when I assigned him a freelance story for the Twin Cities Reader back in the early 80s. He insists it was his first professional assignment. All I recall is an extraordinarily garrulous and rather rotund Irish guy clogging the doorway to my office, going on in righteous outrage about a friend of his father’s allegedly being beaten up by Minneapolis cops for having the temerity to “step off the curb” as a bystander and question the cops’ treatment of a black guy in their custody.

    The story he wrote on this was pretty damned good, not to mention being a vital infusion of gravitas for a publication then running on the fumes of high-attitude music and movie criticism. As with dozens of other local writers, I eventually fell in with Carr’s retrograde cultural caravan. I found myself closing down Moby Dick’s in previously unimagined back rooms populated by characters with more scars than teeth, consuming enough recreational drugs to stupefy a frat house, and seeking to establish meaningful contact with my inner prairie-Catholic bohemian.

    Very few people keep up with Carr step for step today, much less shot for shot, toke for toke, and snort for snort in those years. Eventually, I backed off the throttle and settled into the steady, responsible flow of suburban parenthood. But reports on Carr’s relentless adventure continued to come in, turning steadily more dire, devolving from rollicking to near-tragic.

    Under a blistering sun and eighty percent humidity, Carr and I met up on a Thursday afternoon in June in Bryant Park, behind the New York Public Library. Carr, who seems perpetually Wi-Fi connected, was typically resplendent in a moth-eaten T-shirt, unlaundered jeans and two days’ worth of stubble. Not exactly Maureen Dowd. He’s lost probably seventy pounds since we first met more than twenty years ago. The radiation treatment for Hodgkin’s did a number on the muscles in his neck, causing him to walk these days with a pronounced stoop until he remembers to pull himself erect, and he’s hoarse from the combined effects of air conditioning and cigarettes (no friend dares admonish Carr about the butt addiction).

    We toured, ate, and talked through the evening, catching up before doing a classic Carr “finishing game” at a subterranean bar in the shadow of the Port Authority bus terminal.

    With its battered, signage-free service door and a seating that includes stacked boxes, broken toilets, and plastic lawn chairs, Siberia is a place easily mistaken for the aftermath of an explosive Shiite attack. (It used to be located off a stairway in the Fiftieth Street subway stop—a literal hole in the wall.) Its owner, a bulky, affable, pony-tailed guy named Tracy Westmoreland, had called Carr a couple of hours earlier to invite him in. Tracy’s personality resemblance to Carr’s Minnesota buddy Eddie Nagel is immediately obvious.

    “Tracy collects people,” said Carr. “Especially media people. He’s just one of those New York characters. Psychokinetic things seem to happen around him. Or at least you always think you’re minutes away from something silly or wonderful.

    “Tracy’s more than just a casual friend. He’s true blue. Believe me, when you make a friend in New York, you better hang on to him.”

    Carr waved us down to a lower level, where the bar was shorter, the lights lower, and the furniture included filthy, battered couches every college guy recognizes from his slummy front porch. Down here, Tracy was hosting a birthday party for Anthony Bourdain, the globe-trotting Travel Channel chef, who was holding court in a red-lit storage room still deeper within the joint’s mechanical bowels. Jimmy Fallon was there, too, but national names aside, it could have been Moby Dick’s and 1985 all over again.

    Carr is fond of saying that the Times today, all its Gray Lady heritage and majestic support hose notwithstanding, has become receptive to writers who have “a high game and a low game.” In other words, writers comfortable both in the salons of power and saloons of subterranea. By hiring writers and editors with pedigrees of the alternative persuasion—writers from papers in which Henry Kissinger and startled goats used to mix freely—the Times has effectively brought the counterculture in-house, he argues. Granted, such outside-the-box journalists are, midlife, more focused on tuition payments than toot.

    “What has happened,” Carr said, “is that the tools and assets of the insurgency have been built into the modern execution of journalism.” He recalled a recent bull session with his colleagues on business writers’ mixing reporting and opinion. “I said, ‘You know, you guys have to understand that the ground that they stand on at the New York Times has changed so much. There is so much in the way of analytics and point of view embedded into reporting, it is absolutely baked in, in a way where people don’t even see it anymore.’

    “It’s like the way the generals running the Army right now came out of Vietnam,” he told me. “A lot of the best editors in daily newspapers came out of alternatives.

    “For a long time, if you read the editorial pages of say, the Washington Post”—a paper Carr regularly skewered in the media column he also wrote those five years in Washington, D.C.—“they’d all end the same. You know, ‘These are terrible problems. Really terrible problems that someone should do something about, someday.’ I don’t think that kind of limp-wristed stuff washes anymore.”

    Carr’s editor at the Times culture desk is Sam Sifton, a former managing editor at the New York Press, an alternative weekly. “It is increasingly inaccurate,” said Sifton, taking up Carr’s point, “to draw a divide between the alternative press and what constitutes the mainstream. We are doing stories [at the Times] today that would never have been done here before.”

    He seemed to suggest the newspaper’s better, broader view of life is a happy consequence of a better, broader range of reporter types. Including maybe people who, to paraphrase Neil Young, may have jerked the wheel a few times in their lives and drove into the ditch, because the people there were more interesting.

    Is the Times today more accepting of talented people with messy past histories?

    “Yeah,” said Sifton. “There are plenty of people here with messy past histories. Plenty with messy present histories, too.”

    A prime example of Carr’s “high-low” game, and the Times’ enthusiasm for it, was Carr’s avid submergence in last winter’s Oscar season, a two-month blitz of hype, sheer hype, raw hype, and more hype with almost no discernable Greater Cultural Value.

    “It was a bet we made,” said Sifton. The bet being that a credible news organization could cover the daily minutiae of the Oscar race without pandering to the airhead audiences who flock to the salt lick of “celebrity news.”

    “We knew it would only succeed if the writer, David, was willing to fully commit to it, adapt the persona”—Carr assumed a nom de hype, “The Carpetbagger”—“and devote himself to it 150 percent. David did a terrific job, in my opinion.”

    Times elders apparently agreed, because “Carpetbagger II, The Sequel,” involving loads of travel expenses, will be unveiled at the first stroke of the Oscar clock next year.

    Like Carr, Sifton sees The New York Times Company evolving from a newspaper company into an “information” company, a shift that implies both the necessity and the willingness to fold previously alien technologies, like blogging and video, into the formal product.

    The “Carpetbagger” blog, while perhaps not quite as merrily rank as Los Angeles’ Defamer site, rested on solid journalistic fundamentals, like hundreds of phone calls. The video-blog that went with it, with Carr toeing the boundaries of Hollywood’s overused red carpets and sampling the Oscars fascination to average schmoes in Times Square, effectively peeled away the movie industry’s dense layers of self-reverence. More to the point, “Carpetbagger” showed what, given the right writer/character, credible journalism can do with pop-culture mania.

    A few days after the Siberia finishing game, Carr and I were returning to Montclair, New Jersey, from a weekend in the Adirondacks. Montclair is a leafy commuter town thick with journalists who’ve escaped Manhattan; Carr and his wife, Jill Rooney Carr, live in a 1920s Colonial with the twins, Megan and Erin, and his youngest daughter, Madeleine.

    During the long ride in his aged Saab, far from freshly detailed, I asked Carr what he thinks resurrected him and earned him cachet on the national media landscape. “I guess I’ve done OK in New York,” he responded, flicking cigarette ashes out an open slit of window, “not because I’ve been all that cunning or smart, or know and understand the wiring diagram, but I think it’s more because I’m not real fearful. If I look like a rube or offend some precious sensibilities, I don’t care about that.

    “I’m a person who has owed people a lot of money I didn’t have. I’ve had guns pointed at me. I’ve been a single parent. So being in a room and telling people things they might not be comfortable with, that doesn’t scare me. No big deal.

    “I care how I’m seen, and I want to be fair, but I’m not overly impressed by what people think of me. I certainly have my eccentricities. But the things that are at my core are substantial and significant, and the kinds of things you can rely on. Good values, hard worker, not easily scared. Those are not extraordinary assets, but they are very valuable.”

    Does he think he’s modulated his tone or style to adapt to the vaunted institutional traditions of the Times?

    “Well,” he said, after a pause, “you know, I’m more than happy to come over the hill and just fill someone with lead. But when you’re working at the New York Times, it’s not just a blood sport; you really could ruin someone’s life. There is a conference of credibility that goes with the New York Times as your last name. And I found that paralyzing in the early going. You really could do serious damage to people. I called Anderson Cooper ‘a silver-haired empath.’ That was kind of a joke. I said Angelina Jolie made building a family look like collecting Beanie Babies. That was kind of a joke. But I do really worry about hurting people’s feelings. My experience with most media people is not that they have thin skin; it’s that they have no skin. I’m not going to be one of those people.”

    That odd mix of aggressive imagery and underlying sympathy for his subjects is perhaps a residual effect of Carr’s own experience. It’s as if he simultaneously recalls the terror of having the gun pointed at him and the power of having survived it.

    For all his think-tank-worthy analyses of journalistic aspirations and foibles, it’s Carr’s experiences of courted danger that have imbued him with the questing skeptic’s notion that all placid, dignified exteriors withstanding, if you push hard enough, schmooze well enough, and deploy enough ribald Irish verbiage, you will eventually gain entrée to the aforementioned eighth room where Kissinger, Madonna, and some misbegotten beast engage in activities heretofore unimagined by decent hardworking readers of the New York Times.

  • Newspapers in Turmoil!

    If you’re a shareholder, the money is still pretty good, but in almost every other way this is a rough time for the middlebrow, mainstream media. Judging by all the hand-wringing, navel-gazing, and gloomy, self-flagellating punditry you’d think the mainstream news media–the “MSM,” as bloggers love to peck—are at the fiery brink as a consequence of their fading influence and terminal irrelevance. Average daily newspapers in particular. There is no shortage of MSM news professionals somberly spreading their own ashes. For the most part, the tone among older journalists is funereal, and for good reason. Old-fashioned journalism is taking a kicking and there’s no sign the beatings will abate.

    From the outside, the consumer’s perspective is pretty much one of business as usual. There are generalized complaints about media performance. Too biased. Too dull. Too silly. Too timid. Of course, the real doomsaying and finger-pointing is confined to newsrooms, journalism schools, and the rapidly expanding blogging community, which is especially obsessed with MSM. Awash in twenty-four-hour cable and Internet punditry, the average news “consumer” certainly feels no slackening in the flow of headlines, alerts, “breaking news,” and bloviation. But within the beast, the sense of creative ennui and peril is so tangible you can taste it on your teeth.

    There are exceptions, of course. Along with a handful of “major newspapers”—the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, the Los Angeles Times, and the Washington Post—offering full journalistic service, there are a few carefully guarded, broadcast news venues: ABC’s documentary unit (championed by the late Peter Jennings), Nightline, CNN’s intermittently provocative investigative unit and Aaron Brown’s NewsNight, and National Public Radio. But almost everywhere else, newsrooms have been stripped of adequate resources, imagination, and editorial courage. Too much of the regular, daily content of too many news organizations is filled with predictable, redundant stories produced in the same bland newspeak, the same inevitable tone and perspective.

    Meanwhile, the competition is doing whatever it pleases.

    The pummeling comes from an increasingly familiar collection of muggers, beginning with MSM’s very own corporate parents. The executive boards overseeing mainstream newsrooms—from ABC, CBS, and NBC down to the St. Paul Pioneer Press—have slashed staff and whacked budgets in their attempts to squeeze every conceivable penny of profit out of their “subsidiaries.”

    “For the moment the cow is still giving milk,” one Twin Cities metro columnist told me, “but that’ll end pretty fast once they cut off the last of the fresh grass.”

    Simultaneously, political ideologues of all persuasions, but primarily of the right wing, have badly intimidated MSM editors and news directors into playing a disingenuous “balance” game to counter bogus charges of being politically biased. The intention may be noble, but the effect is to suck out yet more passion, character, and accuracy from the news, at the very moment they’re needed most. There is a growing view among journalists that the MSM, by holding back on regular, aggressive challenges to power in all its forms—political, corporate, cultural—is losing its most precious commodity, namely its influence. Worse, it’s a losing business proposition; the dulling, or “balancing down,” of daily news content is having the effect of pumping high-octane fuel into the alternative news and analysis media.

    By “alternative,” I mean primarily the Internet, where bloggers today are already beating mainstream news professionals at half their game—the half that requires a “journalist” to make the news interesting and enjoyable to read. Despite doing almost no original reporting and living in a parasitic symbiosis with the mainstream media, the influence of bloggers is expanding as rapidly as the MSM’s is declining .

    Then there’s the kids. Surveys regularly indicate that citizens from age zero to thirty don’t seem to care or even notice what our august Op-Ed pages say. Lavished with a variety of news and opinion options unimagined by their parents, modern kids don’t seem to be migrating to MSM at all—even after they land their first mortgages—unlike people in generations past. What to do? More “features,” “trend” stories on reality dating shows? Another round of updates on Jen and Brad, Vince and Jen, Jen and Ben? Ben and Jerry? Or how about yet another “take out” on American Idol?

    (There are few things more unintentionally funny than listening to a group of middle-aged and prematurely middle-aged newsroom cave dwellers—people whose daily existence is consumed by newsroom bureaucracy—argue and opine about what trends “our younger readers” demand be covered. If life is like high school with real money, it’s like watching the class nerds plan activities for the next cool kids’ party.)

    Simultaneously, more and more of a certain sophisticated, already well-informed news consumer, in other words the ideal MSM customer of any age, is beginning to rely on the Jon Stewart style of fake news. What Stewart is supplying are the socially palatable (that is, humorous), argument-framing clues and cues for pursuing one of the most basic journalistic questions: What does this all mean?

    If each of these attacks—the blogs, the kids, the Jon Stewarts—were a punch to the head, the flurry would have the aged champ slumped against the ropes, eyes swollen shut, and bleeding from a crushed nose. While the general public may be barely aware and largely indifferent to this watershed moment in news dissemination, professional journalists are obsessed with it. At the very least, news professionals fear that even if their network, station, or newspaper survives, they will live to see a day, certainly within the next decade, when they’ll be sharing their much-diminished influence and credibility with news writers who play by a far different set of rules, if any at all.

    By any objective measurement, the business of mainstream news media remains enviably profitable. In stark contrast with hidebound, torpid, flint-chippers like General Motors and Ford, local TV stations and newspapers look like visionaries, with current industry-wide profit margins in the range of forty percent (and up) and twenty-three percent respectively. So if you’ve got retirement-in-Arizona dough sunk into any of the big brand names, good for you. But be prepared to liquidate on short notice.

    This past spring’s report from the non-profit Audit Bureau of Circulation that newspaper circulation had dropped 1.9 percent nationwide in the previous six months hit MSM watercooler pundits like a pink slip from upper management. (That number was released after several Top Twenty newspapers were caught cooking their circulation figures—that is, engaging in fraud—to maintain ad rates.) Meanwhile, the evening newscasts of ABC, NBC, and CBS have declined 28.4 percent since 1991, and they continue to fall. Locally, the Star Tribune is an exception. The flagship of the comparatively small McClatchy Company actually posted a modest circulation increase.

    Even so, despite consistent-to-precipitous circulation and ratings declines, media empires like Gannett, Knight-Ridder, Viacom, GE, and Rupert Murdoch’s News Corporation are still providing their shareholders with a satisfactory return on investment. To paraphrase Molly Ivins, their profit margins have been pushed from merely excessive to obscene. They are floating the margins in part by denuding their labor-intensive news operations to squeeze out more cash for shareholders, a form of self-cannibalism.

    MSM journalists know they’re in a fight, and the brave among them speak candidly and publicly about what’s wrong, sometimes after they’ve left the corporate payroll. Former Star Tribune managing editor Tim McGuire, in a speech at Washington and Lee University this past May, springboarded off the comments of Washington Post executive editor Len Downie. Downie, still running the Post, insists newspapers aren’t dying. He says papers are just struggling to “adapt.” Right. And for a brief moment the dinosaurs tried to adapt when that asteroid hit the Yucatan.

    But McGuire said, “I think Len is right. He’s also correct when he says one of the impediments to that adaptation is excessive newspaper profits. Len says fifteen percent profit margins would be plenty.” McGuire then added, “I do believe it is crucial that newspaper executives face up to the fact that they are milking their industry for profits and failing to invest in the long-term health of the news-gathering and the advertising franchise.” He mentioned The Vanishing Newspaper, a new book by Philip Meyer, in which the author describes the current corporate news media dynamic as one of “harvesting the assets.”

    Meyer is a former reporter and now Knight Chair in Journalism at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, and he has plenty to say about what newspaper corporations are doing to their products. (While Meyer is often credited with the “harvesting the assets” conceit, he cites Harvard professor Michael Porter for the original phrase, “harvesting market position.”)

    “Managers do it by raising prices and reducing quality,” Meyer asserts, “so they can shell out the money [to shareholders] and run. I know of no newspapers who are doing this consciously. But the behavior of most points in this direction: Smaller news hole, lighter staffing, and reduced community service, leading of course to fading readership, declining circulation, and lost advertising. Plot it on a graph, and it looks like a death spiral.”

    The “death spiral” image is now an oft-quoted standard in newsroom conversations. Another apt term is “de-contenting.” It’s a Detroit euphemism for discreetly pulling quality out of new models of established brand-name cars, while simultaneously straining to sell them to the public as good or better than ever. Less sound-proofing, cookie-cutter styling, cheaper brakes and transmission. Same price. Or more. To see how well that plan works in an intensely competitive environment, check out GM and Ford’s bond ratings. They could not be much lower.

    “There’s lots of planning going on in newsrooms,” said McGuire. (The post-McGuire Star Tribune will unveil its latest, long-planned makeover sometime in the coming weeks.) “But most of the orders to find solutions to the industry’s deepest problems come with one instruction: Don’t spend significant money. I know several editors who have been told to research some radical new solutions, but then told to do it on the cheap. Publishers want to restore excitement to newspapers without spending a precious dime of that twenty-one to thirty-five percent profit margin. [It] won’t happen.” McGuire added, “When your franchise is under attack from every angle and you are obsessed with inexpensive, incremental solutions, then you are guilty of harvesting, milking, or negligence.”

    One can look at local TV news for the model. What ails the mainstream media in general first infected local TV news. It is a virus that has hit most second- and third-tier daily newspapers. Conglomerates such as Viacom and Gannett and Fox have long treated their local TV operations like ATMs. (In the Twin Cities, Viacom owns WCCO, Gannett owns KARE, and Fox/NewsCorp owns KMSP). Each demands in excess of thirty-five percent profit margins from these stations, some closer to fifty percent. During the past decade, they have gutted reporting and photography staffs and budgets to achieve these goals. Newspaper companies and their institutional investors watched this process enviously for several years, before finally looking at each other and saying, “We can do that, too.” And they have.

    The essential editorial criteria in the news cash-out formula is a new type of coverage. It is hyper-alert to tragedy, scandal, celebrities, tabloid pulp, sports, and sentimentality, and hyper-averse to seriously challenging local power entities—whether they are politicians, major corporations, or major advertisers. The overall personality of these operations is edgeless and reassuring. This requires constant vigilance to avoid too-sharp criticism and analysis, to cultivate a bland, vaguely fifties style of humor, and create a highly regimented docket of subject matter, tone, and vernacular—all innocent enough for a church picnic.

    Local TV news has this style down to a crass science. And now the giant newspaper chains are realizing they can sustain fat profit margins with a similar mix of the tragic, trite, and innocuous. (It is worth noting that of the four major newspapers, three, the New York Times, Wall Street Journal and Washington Post, are still primarily controlled by family shareholders, and therefore are less susceptible to the self-induced maladies of the publicly traded media.)

    Moreover, one can track the deterioration in what might be called unique, original content—material local newsrooms are producing through their own resources, as opposed to grabbing off a satellite or wire. Here, you can detect the industry at war with itself. The corporate mandate to maintain very high profit margins requires highly constrictive budgets. This on-the-run belt tightening requires a new type of newsroom manager, more accountant than journalist, to reshape and redirect the news staff to produce the news “product” research says the public wants. Managers have no choice, or natural inclination, to be anything other than corporate sycophants. Maverick journalists and “original thinkers” need not apply for management positions in the new system; they are considered remnants, holdouts, and cranks of a bygone era.

    Like local TV, editorial decision-making at newspapers today requires keeping a wary, worshipful eye on key, targeted demographics. Every media organization loves the attention of working mothers. But newspapers, especially those struggling for a sustainable foothold in their markets (like the St. Paul Pioneer Press), have no choice but to carefully marshal their diminishing resources in hopes of creating some appeal to upper-income suburbanites.

    The point is that too many newspaper managers are now bred, trained, indoctrinated, and “incentivized” to manage budgets, not writers and stories. The new manager lives in an insulated echo chamber, constantly exchanging boilerplate corporate prattle among his or her management peers and superiors, and issuing too-frequent-to-be-credible “red alerts” rushed out for employee consumption—and despair. It’s a fair question whether this new crowd are journalists at all. But whatever they are, they are unequipped to maneuver effectively and courageously in today’s landscape. They are also profoundly uncomfortable with anyone who fails to show the same kind of fealty to corporate policy as they do.

    Davis “Buzz” Merritt was a forty-three-year employee of the Knight Ridder corporation, twenty-three as editor of the Wichita Eagle. The company is widely regarded as a prime offender in the harvesting syndrome described by Meyer and McGuire. Merritt has written his own book, Knightfall, on the fate of his former company and, by extension, much of mainstream media. In it, he discusses the shift from the values of the Knight family, which had demonstrated a long-term commitment to re-investing in journalism as a way to sustain influence, to the current operators, the Ridder family, who, he argues, see journalism “as a business that just happens to be manufacturing newspapers.”

    Once news is reduced to a vehicle for profit, says Merritt, it becomes very easy to lose track of what exactly the consumer is buying. He fixes on the notion that newspapers need most to protect the influence they have as tough, courageous truth-sayers. But that kind of influence is endangered as MSM tries to slide by with ever-fewer practicing journalists in management, and ever-less relevant content.

    By the time the mainstream has fully squandered the essence of its influence (probably over the next decade, accelerating after the complete conversion to digital media), there will be at least three or four dozen marquee bloggers well enough established to declare parity with run-of-the-mill Op-Ed pages in both analytical acuity and readership. At that point NBC/GE might as well let Brian Williams read daily transcripts from Power Line and Daily Kos.

    So yes, traditional news—news gathered by professionals operating under well-understood rules of engagement, where fairness and accountability matter more than speed and sensation—is very much under siege.

    Some of the reasons for the great decline are external, contrived, and cynical, particularly the crackpot chorus that perpetually squawks about political “bias.” Dealing effectively with this crowd requires a vigorous one-two punch of offense and transparency. At the moment, institutional journalism’s reaction to new technology competition, like bloggers and cable, is like watching a group of dithering scientists, poisoned by their own success, scramble for the precise cocktail of journalistic, attitudinal, financial, and technological potions that will allow them to survive in a game that is getting faster, broader, more raw, more personally engaging, and far less conflicted by professional standards of “balance” than anything they ever imagined.

    Of all that afflicts mainstream news, the “issue” of bias should be the one most easily marginalized and defused. Other than a few newsroom neophytes who don’t yet know what to think, every professional reporter knows the “bias” charge is fundamentally a political strategem. They also know that it is primarily a right-wing gimmick only recently adapted by the left. Yet, management remains flummoxed.

    Generally, the preferred reaction to “bias” is to do nothing for the longest time, to wring hands, to tone down leftish columnists, hold another round of meetings and eventually announce the proverbial “nationwide search” for an unequivocally conservative Op-Ed or metro columnist, or both. Someone—whether they’ve ever reported a house-fire or not—who will act as a sop to conservative complainants and a counterweight for MSM editors’ own misplaced sense of liberal guilt.

    The most effective weapon bias-chargers have is the editors’ own belief that they really are liberal (which is to say that in newsrooms, there really is a preponderance of belief in nutty fringe ideas like equal pay for equal work, civil rights, social security net programs, environmental controls, and the like), and that journalistic ethics requires them to provide “balance” on every issue.

    This is nuts. A now-classic example of the kind of “balance” trap the MSM has got itself into was the so-called Swift Boat Veterans issue during the 2004 presidential campaign. The point was not that a Democrat, John Kerry, was the victim of a contrived, baseless smear. The point was that, rather than persistently assessing the accuracy of the charges of the Swifties, standard newsroom protocol required persistent “balance.” Six inches of quotes from the Swifties balanced by six inches of response from Kerry. Day after day. Eventually, readers were left with the “balanced” view that there was no truth and both sides were idiots. In terms of campaign tactics, Kerry has been justly criticized for failing to take the Swifties head on. But in too many news reports, that failure became a bigger, far more frequently reported story than whether what the Swifties said was even true.

    Fully reporting and regularly declaring the Swifties’ tale to be the transparent lie it was would, of course, have left journalists open to blistering attacks from talk-radio hosts and bloggers, and probably also an uncomfortable chat with upper management. But the Swift Boat episode falls into a familiar pattern whereby the media’s quaint notion of “balance” has it reporting more on the fracas than the facts.

    There have been other more critical failures by the MSM to place a priority on independently reporting and aggressively assessing the accuracy of basic information, as opposed to merely playing ringside stenographer to the political cat-fight. You can see it in the press pool’s anemic challenges to the White House’s months-long campaign for war in Iraq, and, more recently, the truly bizarre indifference to the so-called Downing Street Memo. To push harder, especially on the War on Terror, would have required a highly adversarial, public confrontation with a White House renowned for its “aggressive” reaction to journalistic impudence. But the point is that the lack of aggressive pursuit of the truth significantly diminishes the influence that is the MSM’s foundation. It is no coincidence that public approval of the MSM’s “job performance” shot upward dramatically in the aftermath of their entirely human reation and indignation to the government’s Hurricane Katrina response. Moreover, the chorus of challenges to President Bush’s rosy assessment of federal relief efforts was probably key to getting the president to admit, for the first time in six years, that mistakes were made and he was taking responsibility.

    But the charge that the average newsroom is liberal in any remotely radical way is laughable. Don’t get me wrong, MSM newsrooms are more socially liberal than, say, the Rev. James Dobson, Sean Hannity, Ann Coulter, Ralph Reed, and Rick Santorum. And they are also generally pro-choice, they probably vote Democratic in greater numbers, they believe in full rights for women, as well as—grab your garters—evolution, too. But that still leaves critics a very long way from proving a liberal agenda and systematic, facts-twisting bias. In my experience, ninety-five percent of reporters and editors are well within the mainstream of political attitudes, appropriately skeptical about every politician and every overreaching ideology. More to the point, like good bureaucrats everywhere, most reporters aren’t particularly political at all. Most are happy to get a good story, get it right, and get home in time for dinner and a little prime-time TV.

    The right’s grand strategy with regard to the mainstream press is to diminish its once potent influence in setting the conventional wisdom of American culture. By relentlessly and recklessly asserting that everything about the mainstream media is biased and agenda-driven, starting with politics but including garden-variety reporting on the whole vast array of social issues and science, the hope is that significant numbers of news consumers will grow cynical toward the mainstream and turn to new news venues where party is more important than reality.

    If you find yourself in a depressed, suicidal mood, by all means avoid getting trapped in an elevator with MSM editors and reporters discussing “what to do about the blogs?” It is truly trigger-pulling stuff. But what media managers struggle with most is how to maintain full editorial control. Which is to say, How do we blog within the same rules of professional journalism that are killing us in print? After all, blogs as we know them today are as wild and wooly as nineteenth century Deadwood, and often as profane as the HBO series. That thought terrifies mainstream editors. Blogging implies a voice that isn’t proper, isn’t necessarily dignified, and above all isn’t controlled by some kind of professional or corporate template.

    The attitude and writerly personal style of blogs is most similar to that of the best columnists—metro, politics, sports, whatever—and mainstream newspapers are constantly struggling with how much freedom they dare parcel out to even those characters. Why? Because columnists are, for better and worse, the voices who most embody the personality of the entire publication.

    The trend, in print, is not encouraging. Orthodox, lower-tier-MSM editorial policy is to be “empowering” to its home community. What that is assumed to mean is news that is encouraging, generous, uplifting, and unifying in both story selection and tone. But in effect, it delivers a product that prefers hugging to provocation. (Newspaper editors today still say they love “hell-raising.” But what they really mean is “heck-raising.”)

    On the same morning that the New York Times’ Judith Miller was heading to jail in the Valerie Plame investigation, her managing editor, Jill Abramson, was telling a lunch meeting of the paper’s young writers to “push back” against their editors, and fight for their voice and for material that might ordinarily offend the Grey Lady’s sensibilities. “Not to start WW III with editors,” Abramson told the New York Observer, “But I wanted to consciously send them a message that we want the paper to be full of engaging writing and engaging voices.”

    The reaction to this by a dozen or so writers at the two Twin Cities dailies was something on the order of a spit take. At the Pioneer Press “pushing back” against desperately overworked editors is regarded as an offense against nature, like slapping your mother. At the Star Tribune, the complaint is more that the editorial bureaucracy is so slumberous and complacent that a fight for creative voice is like ranting on the sidewalk outside City Hall. Besides, “edginess” is for the graphics editors.

    Where the Pioneer Press has been essentially abandoned by its corporate parent, Knight Ridder, and told to “make its numbers” however it must with no significant infusion of resources, the Star Tribune is the flagship of the McClatchey chain. (The common view is that the Pioneer Press has been so weakened that its home turf, the east metro, is the Star Tribune’s for the taking.) But the Star Tribune, a second-tier newspaper where the Pioneer Press has now slid lower, lives in a comfort zone where it could afford to take risks with unique voices, but doesn’t. Instead, the newspaper seems to be putting its money into a massive redesign.

    A prime example of the Star Tribune’s resistance to voice was the departure of sports columnist Dan Barreiro. The inability or unwillingness of the Star Tribune not just to accommodate Barreiro, but to appreciate his value to their influence, is startling. Barreiro, who declined to be interviewed for this story, is a “push back” kind of character. He’s a prickly, talented, aggressive guy whose columns were truly a must-read for any sports fan interested in the how, why, and you-gotta-be-kidding-me aspects of the industry of modern sports. Barreiro had other things to do, like a radio gig. But basically he was too iconoclastic, too opinionated, and too indifferent to criticism from powerful local institutions for the paper to properly control.

    The same applies to my friend Nick Coleman, a guy who has forgotten more about the people and power launderers of the Twin Cities than any of his insulated editors in the St. Paul Pioneer Press and Star Tribune cubicle farms ever dared to learn. But Coleman, like Barreiro, requires special accomodation and appreciation. It shouldn’t be hard to do.

    The bard of Anoka, Garrison Keillor, a lover of good writing and journalism, gave an interview to the Hartford Courant last April. He was about to speak to the 2005 National Writers Workshop and he wanted say something in defense of newspapers. It wasn’t easy. “I think that American newspapers have taken a very serious wrong turn,” said Keillor, “and that aside from a few newspapers, the quality of the product is in decline, especially for the reader, and I think that newspapers have forgotten that their readers are readers and love writing. Writing is what people want. They don’t want a sort of concept of journalism; they want writers. And writers are always individuals. This is what people turn to newspapers for. They don’t turn to newspapers for advice and for personal service and for sort of glossy pieces about lifestyle and home décor and cooking and how to bring up your children.”

    Talking to the journalism trade magazine Editor & Publisher a while later, Keillor added that today’s newspapers “are too positive and upbeat, on the mistaken assumption that that’s what readers are looking for.” Sadly, what Keillor is looking for is precisely the sort of stuff many newspapers are combing out of what remains of their pages. I can tell you from long, personal experience the sour reactions and looks I got from any TV review or trend piece that wasn’t a giddy celebration of the sheer, bouncy fun of The Bachelor, Joe Millionaire, or The Apprentice. “It’s what our readers want to read,” I was constantly told, by editors fresh back from another mandatory meeting with the research department.

    Newspapers are still the anchor of the mainstream media, despite the public’s overwhelming reliance on TV for breaking news. (Local TV news would implode if it didn’t have the morning paper to work from.) Papers still have the wherewithal to fight back against the appeal of the best bloggers. But in order to compete, they’re going to have to let at least some of their writers be actual writers, loosen their foundation garments, assert their opinions, employ more literary devices, and in general have some fun with the topics and people they cover.

    Colorful, well-sourced columnists embody the fundamental influence of mainstream newspapers. They are a paper’s primary asset in the battle against Internet maurauders. If the New York Times didn’t think so, they wouldn’t have set up their stable—Paul Krugman, David Brooks, Maureen Dowd, Tom Friedman—for separate, paid, online access a few weeks ago. Furthermore, every day you can check the Times’ list of the day’s “most emailed” stories for a snapshot of what readers want most from the paper. It isn’t lists of fun things to do with the weekend, or ponderously balanced stories on Supreme Court nominees. It’s the columnists.

    The appeal of good, sometimes irreverent writing, beyond what traditional mainstream newspapering currently allows, is borne out in a study by Northwestern University’s Readership Institute. Lately the Institute has partnered with the Star Tribune, testing models for the newspaper’s long-awaited redesign.

    The makeover is supposed to incorporate significant advances in online service, among other things. Many Star Tribune employees will be curious to see if it addresses anything mentioned here. Northwestern spent a lot of time assessing the tastes of those elusive “younger readers,” the ones who don’t read newspapers much, don’t watch traditional network news programs, and only leaf through Time and Newsweek at the dentist’s office.

    What they found was interesting: A remix of news choices with hipper, more irreverent headlines and stories written with blog-like attitude—not Jen-Brad-Angelina-style celebrity junk, but actual news—was in fact more appealing to young readers than the stuff the Star Tribune actually published (they focused the study on the Star Tribune’s Valentine’s Day 2005 edition). The Star Tribune test material was very similar to Chicago’s competing Red Eye and Red Streak free tabloids. (The “Reds” are two free weeklies published the Chicago Sun-Times and Chicago Tribune since 2002. They are aggressive efforts to lure young readers.)

    “What is interesting and revealing,” says Mike Smith, managing director of Northwestern’s Media Management Center, “is that the Sun-Times and Tribune have found that adults, loyal newspaper readers, are picking up the free weeklies in far greater numbers than first imagined.” In other words, a general loosening of the more staid conventions of professional journalism may very well offer more upside than risk to mainstream media.

    But lacking a relaxation of profit demands so counter-effective to creativity, risk-taking, and invention, the death spiral for most newspapers will probably continue. Few will actually fold. A monopoly in a market will always guarantee steady positive cash flow, no matter what the quality of the product. But as their irrelevance to literature-loving readers and aggressive news ferrets deepens, most will become glorified community newspapers and “repeater towers” for the handful of major papers and wire services.

    As for local TV news, the gold standard for cash-cow-dom and exemplar to so many others in the industry, they had better have a plan for the day the first shrewd video bloggers fire up their own local newscasts in the looming all-digital age. They must offer Daily Show fans a valid alternative to the silly, ossified, lucrative formula of happy faces, bloody pictures, weather, and sports that sent viewers to the Comedy Channel in the first place.

    Brian Lambert was the media critic at the St. Paul Pioneer Press for fifteen years. He left the Knight Ridder paper earlier this year after his “beat” was discontinued.