Author: Steve Perry

  • The Puppet Master at Rest

    He is responsible for getting Paul and Jesse elected. Minnesota’s premier political ad consultant is the very best in the business. So why’s Bill Hillsman sitting this one out?

    Photos by John Noltner

    If American politics were the fount of democratic possibility it’s made out to be, Bill Hillsman would be a very rich man for one simple reason. In the fortysome-year history of media-driven political campaigns, there has been no one else remotely like him, no one who possessed his particular combination of razor-sharp ad skills, an impeccable feel for the spirit of the moment, and a gift for making people talk about his candidate. The media critic at the online mag Slate, Scott Shuger, called Hillsman “the greatest political adman who ever lived,” and by whatever yardstick you choose—the sheer inventiveness of his work, or its overwhelming role in electing not one but two populist longshots to prominent office—there is really no contesting the proposition.

    With Paul Wellstone in 1990 and Jesse Ventura in 1998, Hillsman proved it was possible for outsiders to crash the party on a shoestring budget. He did it with ads that were funny and engaging and, most important, plainspoken. Hillsman’s spots, from “Looking for Rudy” to “Jesse the Thinker,” threw away the insular, sloganeering language of conventional political advertising; they made jokes instead, elegant little 30-second jibes that tapped workaday outrage over the tyranny of politics as usual. There’s just one problem with Hillsman’s professional prospects: The national political parties want nothing to do with him. “No,” Hillsman agrees ruefully, “we don’t get asked to play very much. The pollsters are against us because I’ve knocked polling. None of the established consultants have anything good to say about us, for obvious reasons. And the Democratic party…” Hillsman trails off without finishing the thought: The Democratic party machine doesn’t want to deal with any media guy whose specialty is getting the unanointed, insurgent candidate elected. At the end of the day, both major parties would rather lose with the known quantity than win with the unknown. The Rake sat down with Hillsman recently, to get his views on this fall’s races and to talk shop about the art and science of the modern political campaign.

    The Rake: Do you agree with the argument Kevin Phillips and others have made recently—that scandals involving wealth and power and politics have reached a critical mass and there’s a sea change in public attitudes taking shape?

    Hillsman: I’d like to believe that, but I don’t think I do. One thing that’s happened now because of corporate malfeasance is that a lot of people are hit where it hurts the most. Normally you would expect politicians to react fairly quickly when that happens, especially in an election year. Which is why you saw that legislation passed so quickly. But was the legislation meaningful? It was mainly window dressing. And maybe I’ve just been doing this job for too long, but I think by and large people will buy the window dressing until the next crisis comes.

    The Rake: You made your mark in political advertising with Wellstone in 1990. What did you sense about the public mood that made you believe that style of political advertising would work?

    Hillsman: It wasn’t so much what we sensed in the public mood. It was more a matter of trying out some theories developed for commercial advertising in the political arena. Paul really had nothing to lose, and he didn’t really know he was being used to try out theories.

    The old theory of political advertising, which still holds in Washington even these 12 years later, is that media is nothing more than a commodity—and if you layer it on thick enough, you can convince the public of basically anything. That’s how you wind up with Al Checchi spending $40 million in California, [Jon] Corzine in New Jersey spending $60 million, and Mark Dayton spending $12-14 million in Minnesota, which is equivalent to spending about $60 million in Jersey.

    It’s a benighted notion about how you win elections. But Paul’s bought into it in the last two elections—the notion that you have to fight fire with fire and keep pouring on the media so people can’t turn around without seeing a spot. Then the message will somehow invade their consciousness, and they’ll go out like robots and vote for that person.

    My counter-theory—and this was out of necessity, really—was something that we started to fool around with in the commercial sector in the early 1980s. Commercial advertising used to be framed by this same view about media, that it was more or less a commodity and the number of ads you ran determined your success. When I first came up in the industry as a copywriter in the mid to late 1970s there was a formula for doing commercial ads. In a 30-second spot, you needed to mention the product name in the first five seconds, you needed to mention it at least three times overall, and you needed to show the package or the logo for the last 3-5 seconds. If you did all those things, you had a successful ad. But all this approach did was telegraph to viewers that they were watching a commercial. And most people don’t like commercials. They try not to watch them. What we decided in the early 1980s was, let’s not telegraph that we’re making a commercial. Let’s keep them in suspense, sometimes for up to 20 seconds. And let’s give the people watching a real payoff. It might be making you laugh, touching some emotion, or giving information that’s genuinely of value to you.

    What we proved in the early 1980s, and a lot of it came straight out of Minneapolis, was that if somebody pays attention to your commercial, you don’t have to spend as much on media. And that’s significant because media is the single highest line-item cost in any sort of ad campaign. You’re talking tens or hundreds of millions of dollars in some cases.

    That was the theory. And with Wellstone you had to do it that way, because there wasn’t any money. We basically decided to make the entire campaign a media campaign. Paul had already been out there on the stump, and he was in danger of losing the primary to someone who hadn’t campaigned at all. That’s how little interest there was in this guy’s campaign. Rudy Boschwitz, on the other hand, was going to be on the air a lot. So we tried to pre-empt him, to make every Boschwitz ad that came on work against him: “Anytime you see a Boschwitz commercial, it just means he’s trying to buy the election.” That was the positioning for Paul in a nutshell. It was entirely a media campaign and we pulled it off.

    The attitude of the spots was different enough that they appealed to a lot of people who hadn’t felt interested or involved in politics since the 60s or early 70s. It brought a lot of progressives out and united a lot of people. It caught the attention of younger people who had pretty much given up on politics. In many respects it was a precursor to the Ventura campaign. It took people that wanted to believe in politics but had been so disappointed they practically gave up.

    But none of those people would have voted for him if you had told them that in 12 years he’d be running an $8 million re-election campaign.

  • Dead Man’s Town

    You could run but you couldn’t hide. In the weeks surrounding the release of Bruce Springsteen’s new record, the man was everywhere. Interviews in Time, Rolling Stone, and the New York Times, a live concert from the Jersey shore, Letterman appearances on two consecutive nights, three installments of Nightline—yes, Nightline, because even though it’s not an arts and culture show, you have to understand that this was more than a record. This was about 9/11. This was about Healing A Nation. If the media blitz was all you had to go on, you could have been excused for wondering if that was the World Trade Center in Bruce’s pocket or he was just glad to see us.

    The hype made it Springsteen’s fastest-selling record out of the box; it also made a remarkable piece of work a whole lot harder to hear. By the time most of us got around to listening, you already knew the question you were supposed to ask of it (the first great work of art about 9/11?) and the answer you were compelled to offer up (yes!). The way pundits and publicists everywhere (and, wittingly or not, Bruce himself) used 9/11 to flog the record grew offensive, not least because the very notion of “9/11 art” is a category that—for now, at any rate—has far less to do with art than with marketing.

    Sure it’s a 9/11 record, if you want to be literal about it. The events of that day crystallized something for Springsteen. They got him off the couch and into the studio. There wouldn’t be a new Bruce Springsteen record now if it weren’t for September 11. But it’s easy to make too much of that, and practically everyone has. Here is Joyce Millman describing one song, “The Nothing Man,” in her Salon review: “A shell-shocked rescue worker can’t fit back into everyday life.”

    I guess it does sound that way. Except for this: “The Nothing Man” is eight or nine years old. It first appeared on an album Springsteen completed but never released in 1994. There are two other songs on the record written prior to last fall’s attacks, and at least two more that sound to me like fairly radical rewrites of other little-known or unreleased Springsteen songs. The song genealogy isn’t important in itself. The point is that if you listen to all the shouting about 9/11 you’re going to miss the real heart of The Rising—a work that was a long time coming, and one that’s both of a piece with Springsteen’s past and an unsettling departure from it.

    Some reviewers did get it, in their own fashion. Writing in the Village Voice, Keith Harris observed, “If there hadn’t been a September 11, Bruce Springsteen would have had to invent one.” (Is that supposed to be a bad thing?) Dave Marsh affirmed the same thing, minus the sneer. He wrote a single line about the record: “A middle-aged man considers death and chooses life.”

    A lot has changed in Springsteen’s little corner of the universe since The Ghost of Tom Joad in 1995. In that time he turned 50, buried his father, and began the process of watching his children grow away from him and into the world. And, no doubt, wondered how he would ever make a Bruce Springsteen record again. Bruce records have always borne a special burden, of which no one is more conscious than Springsteen himself. They involved a pact with his audience forged a long time ago: It’s a mean world, but come along with me and I’ll get you to the other side. The promise was of redemption and a kind of transcendence. Kick around these badlands long enough, refusing cynicism and holding to your dreams, and you’ll reach a promised land.

    That’s a young man’s creed and an older man’s cage. Unless you are exceptionally blessed, or a dolt, you cannot help noticing as you get older that there really is no promised land. Or rather, that life has innumerable means of snatching it from your grasp time and again. Of these none is more potent than mortality itself, and that’s the real subject of The Rising, a collection of 15 death-struck prayers to a God who’s not there and to a constellation of friends and loved ones who may or may not have enough left inside themselves to answer.

    I mean, what’s all this shit about healing? I certainly see all the lyrical gestures in that direction, and there’s a measure of healing in the music itself, which sounds more vibrant than any Springsteen album since Born to Run. But to my ears this is the most harrowing record he’s ever made. (That title is supposed to belong to Nebraska, or alternately Tom Joad, but those records had their comforts, chief among them the satisfaction of hearing Springsteen bear stubborn witness to lives that, for official purposes, did not exist.) It’s telling that the most beautiful song on the record is also the most chilling. “Paradise” contraposes two characters from very different circumstances, each of whom is squandering a life on some vision of deliverance from earthly troubles. In the end the singer concludes it’s all a lie: “I search for the peace in your eyes/ They’re as empty as paradise.”

    It’s a song I don’t believe Springsteen could have written until now. The Rising represents the first time he’s dared to be so explicit about breaking his old pact, revoking that assurance about reaching the promised land through might and mettle. You are never going to live there, he admits in “Paradise” and elsewhere. Sorry. But there’s something else you can have: moments of the promised land, of unexpected joy and grace, that are capable of sustaining you if you possess the humility, good faith, and good sense to treasure them when they come.

    What makes the record harrowing is the fleeting, provisional nature of those connections. In the face of all the death and heartache on The Rising, the mere assurance that you will be able to rise above it from time to time can feel like cold comfort indeed, especially coming from an artist with as much faith in redemption as Springsteen once had. In that sense the record demands more of its listeners and promises less than the Bruce of old. There’s not much fun or much scent of the Hero’s Journey about it, just whatever strength there is to be derived from facing one’s own life, and the fact of loss, as unflinchingly as possible. That’s grown-ups for you. Always changing the rules.

    Steve Perry is a contributing editor to The Rake.

  • Another Fine Mess

    Alas: the pitter-pat of shuffling feet on the stair that Martha Stewart hears each day when she awakes is not the stirring of guests invited for a festive country weekend; it’s the SEC closing in. Last month ImClone boss and “family friend” Sam Waksal (her daughter’s boyfriend, later her own) took his perp walk for the cameras on insider trading charges. A few days later the Wall Street Journal reported that the Feds had turned one of Stewart’s own pals, a woman who flew to Mexico with Martha on Stewart’s private jet the day her ImClone sale was executed.

    Delicious, isn’t it? Martha summed up better than anyone the consumption side of the long 90s boom. And despite economically polarized times she figured out how to play both ends of the street. To the masses who bought up her branded Kmart merchandise, she peddled a vain and costly domestic fantasy; to the moneyed would-be gentry she offered a practical primer on the good life. It proved so lucrative in part because it tapped a market-driven article of faith rigorously foisted on fortunates and unfortunates alike in the 80s and 90s: There really is nothing you can’t buy if you’ve got the money—style, grace, dignity, domestic tranquility, you name it. At bottom, like all timeless hucksters, she was selling a sense of personal completeness and substance.

    Turns out it was all pretend, right down to the paper fortune Stewart amassed during her day in the sun. So far her stock in her own company has dropped over $300 million in value, and she may be facing time in one of those minimum-security facilities whose décor she could do so much to enliven. All this over a smarmy little insider transaction that saved her about $200,000 in stock losses. If you aren’t gratified by what’s become of Martha Stewart, you just aren’t paying attention.

    Don’t bet she’ll scrape by on the strength of her money and clout. If the order of the day is a few show trials to quiet public outrage, what prosecution could possibly be showier than Martha’s? One can already imagine the indictment, the subsequent death-plunge of MSO stock, even the eventual plea agreement, filed on the finest linen stationery with inlaid flowers pressed by Martha herself.

    AFTER LAST MONTH’S column on Paul Wellstone’s silence concerning the business scandals, I got a testy email from a Wellstone staffer, larded with press release attachments that demonstrated the senator’s fierce and fearless leadership. Wellstone has spoken against corporate abuses on the Senate floor, I was informed, not once but twice—and, more impressive still, he spoke forcefully each time.

    Naturally I felt mortified at my own hubris. Who was I to criticize Wellstone’s leadership just because I hadn’t heard a peep about it myself? Had I scoured the full menu of his press releases? Had I pored over member comments on the Senate floor? No. But in my own paltry way I did try. I looked at various news archives and Wellstone’s own Senate website. Before its content was frozen by election rules round about early July, it contained no word about corporate accountability that I could find, not even one of the press releases—each surely more forceful than the last!—that are the sine qua non of his leadership. All I can say is that I’m sorry, Paul, and in the future I’ll bear in mind that the mere fact of being invisible doesn’t make you any less a leader.

    Now, in mid-August, Wellstone’s campaign website is screaming boardroom larceny front and center. Lovely. Better late than never, and better a little than nothing at all: That’s the central refrain of Wellstone’s Senate career and the only credible slogan on behalf of his re-election campaign. I’ll still vote for him if I vote at all, but I won’t venture out just to pull the lever for Paul. And in that I doubt I’m alone.

    The other day I spoke with Bill Hillsman, the political ad consultant who played a vital role in electing Wellstone the first time. “I was thinking about some of the ads we just murdered Boschwitz with in 1990,” Hillsman smiled ruefully, “the print ads where we talked about his being in the Senate for 12 years and never getting anything done. And I thought to myself, good Lord, what would happen if someone did that same ad now with respect to Wellstone’s record? It would probably be no better, maybe in some cases worse.”

    Steve Perry is a contributing editor to The Rake. He can be reached at steve@rakemag.com.

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  • Famous for 15 Seconds

    The daily news cycle is a hungry beast with a short memory, so maybe it should come as no surprise that the revelations of Minneapolis FBI whistleblower Coleen Rowley came and went so quickly. Still, you’ve got to credit W and company. The administration has dispatched her story with impressive speed and political acumen.

    First they took advantage of the cover afforded by the Rowley firestorm to announce sweeping rollbacks in the U.S.’s meager rules against indiscriminate domestic spying, rules spawned by the exposure of prolific FBI abuses in the 1960s. Under the new guidelines set forth in John Ashcroft’s little-noted May 30 diktat, there is no longer any pretense that intelligence agencies need “reasonable suspicion” of criminal activity to mount prolonged fishing expeditions into the affairs of private individuals.

    The administration then turned to defusing Rowley’s story. Hence the rushed announcement of plans to reorganize the entire intelligence apparatus, even though the particulars are so ill-formed that Bush has no intention of soliciting funds for it this year. Thus, too, the sudden fanfare regarding the arrest of Jose Padilla a month earlier. After the Padilla story had simmered for a couple of days, the administration cheerfully conceded it was less than advertised. It was unlikely Padilla would ever be prosecuted; as a Defense Department deputy told CBS, “I don’t think there was actually a plot beyond some fairly loose talk.”

    Job well done. Padilla served his purpose, which was to steal the last bit of thunder from Rowley’s Congressional testimony a few days earlier. There’s no mystery as to motive: Her disclosures concerning quashed pre-9/11 leads (along with news of the FBI’s so-called Phoenix memo and some unattended CIA leads) called into doubt a main premise of the Bush program—the frantic contention that what we need most going forward is a vastly expanded repertoire of police powers and resources.

    Only the most gullible could believe that a desire to combat terror is the sole agenda here. Every administration since Reagan’s has chased after rollbacks in the civil liberties and curbs on police power wrought in the 60s and 70s by the civil rights movement, the Warren Court, and post-Watergate reformers. And it’s usually done in the name of war, be it on drugs, pornography, child abuse, “welfare as we know it,” or terrorism. The present threat is certainly more real and more precipitous than the sham domestic wars of our recent past, but it’s fair to ask how much additional security we can expect to buy with a wholesale surrender of freedoms and privacy rights. The answer, by FBI Director Robert Mueller’s own sidelong admission, is probably not much. Testifying before a Senate committee in May, Mueller said that the 9/11 hijackers “contacted no known terrorist sympathizers [and] left no paper trail. … As best we can determine, the actual hijackers had no computers, no laptops, no storage media of any kind.” In short, they seem to have done nothing that would have made them any more visible under the expansive new Bush/Ashcroft rules on snooping, electronic and otherwise, than they already were.

    Once the immediate embarrassment engendered by Rowley has passed, we’re bound to see her complaint spun a different way. Why, pundits will be prompted to ask, did FBI administrators refuse to seek a search warrant for Zacarias Moussaoui’s belongings? Another sad case of law enforcement shackled by old liberal due process rules and PR concerns. The moral: Slip the shackles! Let the FBI be the FBI! In truth (and Rowley says as much) the agency had ample cause for a warrant under existing standards, but no one in the bureaucratic daisy chain recognized the possible significance of the case or could be bothered to raise their heads to pursue it.

    The apparent lesson here is that the old powers of domestic surveillance are quite potent if the FBI is doing its job. American intelligence had plenty of information about September 11, we now know. What it lacked was the coordination or the resolve to add two and two. Bush’s new cabinet department is supposed to remedy this, but no executive “clearinghouse” is going to make the FBI and the CIA/NSA play well together. Jealously safeguarding what they know, particularly from each other, is the foundation of their political power.

    The official rejoinder is obvious enough: We have to err on the side of sacrificing freedoms and empowering police agencies, however marginal the gains in domestic security. The stakes are too high to do otherwise. Cold comfort, wouldn’t you say, when the most glaring problem exposed to date is the intelligence machine’s failure to do anything with the information it already had?

    Steve Perry is a contributing editor to The Rake. He can be reached at steve@rakemag.com.

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  • The Running of the Bears

    The Funniest President traveled to Wall Street recently, on a mission to kick shins and take names. Since entering public life W has scattered behind him a string of linguistic pearls the likes of which many older Americans still recall fondly from the TV show Kids Say the Darnedest Things. “I know how hard it is for you to put food on your family.” “I am mindful not only of preserving executive powers for myself, but for predecessors as well.” “Teaching children to read… will make America what we want it to be—a literate country and a hopefuller country.” “For a century and a half now, America and Japan have formed one of the great and enduring alliances of modern times.”

    But he was at his deadpan best in the financial district speech: “In the long run, there is no capitalism without conscience, there is no wealth without character.” Ah, but seriously, folks—seriously! Telling one of these CEOs not to cook the books is like telling a crack whore to dress better and keep off the pipe until the cocktail hour! Ba-dum-PAH.

    Enron begins to seem like the good old days. That was only a billion dollars or so in flim-flammery, and onlookers could pretend it was an isolated instance of malfeasance rooted in the looking-glass world of energy derivatives. Then came Worldcom at $4 billion and Merck at $14 billion. And sandwiched between them, to less fanfare, a series of brewing scandals involving Xerox, ImClone, Tyco, Kmart, Adelphia, Qwest, Global Crossing, and Halliburton—the last concerning alleged improprieties that took place in the late 90s when Dick Cheney headed the company. The business press is taking all this much more seriously than mainstream media. As Joseph Nocera wrote in Fortune, “Phony earnings, inflated revenues, conflicted Wall Street analysts, directors asleep at the switch—this isn’t just a few bad apples we’re talking about here. This, my friends, is a systemic breakdown…We have reached the tipping point.” Nocera and his colleagues correctly call the present ferment the worst U.S. financial crisis since 1929.

    The saner heads on Wall Street, endangered species that they are, want some regulatory reform to ensure that such scandals don’t flare again anytime soon to disrupt their affairs. But talk like this is bound to seem not only reckless but silly to the president, who has never known any other way of doing business. W is a man who never registered a single success in his chosen trade, the oil business, but nonetheless managed to parlay the family name into a handsome stake in Harken Energy, which he cashed in just before his father’s war on Iraq sent Harken stock tumbling. Stock sales by insiders are supposed to be registered at the SEC within two months’ time; W waited over half a year without adverse consequence. He likewise turned a $600,000 investment in the Texas Rangers, and a role as greeter at The Ballpark in Arlington, into a $15 million payday when the team was sold. Double-dealing, something-for-nothing cronyism, and the absolute entitlement of the powerful to grab as much as they can are no more than Bush’s birthright. Privately he must be mystified by all the fuss.

    Small wonder his get-tough talk to Wall Streeters was a piece of puffery. If Bush gets his way there will be a few show trials, a hundred additional bodies at the SEC—which, under GWB, is headed by a former attorney for the very accounting firms that have played such a vital role in the crimes at hand—and a shiny new executive commission to study the problem. Bush uttered nary a word concerning any of the grosser forms of institutionalized lying, cheating, and stealing that allowed the stock market bubble to assume such epic proportions—the rules that allow accountants both to audit corporate books and to consult with those same clients on how best to cover up problems, for instance, or the ones that let brokerage analysts participate in deals they are “analyzing” “dispassionately” for the suckers who comprise the investing public.
    The Democrats are licking their chops over the likely electoral dividends of all this come November, but it doesn’t mean Democratic pols as a class are any likelier to push substantive action than the Republicans. At the national level the party is more thoroughly dominated than ever by the Democratic Leadership Council and its clones, whose entire enterprise over the past decade and a half has consisted of making the party a more attractive vehicle for the same corporate dollars that flow so unstintingly to Republicans. It’s foolish to suppose the complicity of the Democrats is any less monumental than that of the Republicans, and one of the worst offenders is the man many consider prime presidential timber for 2004, Tailgunner Joe Lieberman. (As I write, Lieberman is being quoted exhorting Democrats not to lose their heads and turn “too populist” on big business’s perfidy.)

    If ever the time was ripe for mavericks from both parties to step forward in the interest of doing a little good—and, not incidentally, making names and power bases for themselves—that time is now. And once again we must ask, where the hell is Paul Wellstone? (Or, for that matter, his protégé in public obscurity, Mark Dayton?) You can pore through Wellstone’s web sites or any news archive and find only a scant few discouraging words on the corporate crime wave. Maybe he is afraid of drawing more wrath and more Republican dollars in his race against Norm Coleman; maybe he is being Senatorial, nattering privately and uselessly to his party superiors about the issue; maybe he is just too busy fighting mostly losing battles in the Agriculture committee and rescuing kittens from trees in Willmar. Or perhaps he is awaiting word that one of the CEOs under investigation has snapped and struck his wife—Paul and Sheila are adamantly opposed to domestic violence, you know.

    One thing’s for damn sure: In this most pungent domestic scandal of the past few decades, the man The Nation once called “the senator from the Left” is scarcely on radar. By staying on the sidelines this way, Wellstone is both shirking a duty incumbent to his populist pretensions and missing a golden political opportunity. About a year and a half ago, in the pages of Mother Jones, I went on record with the observation that if Wellstone broke his two-terms-and-out pledge to run again, he would probably lose. But with fresh financial scandals breaking every week, the ground under our feet has moved considerably since then in ways that should only benefit Wellstone. Is there a politial candidate anywhere this year who, as a matter of style and presence, embodies the toothsome, glad-handing, reptilian ethos of corporate America any better than Norm Coleman? Yet Wellstone manages to continue running neck-and-neck with him. Quite a feat when you think about it.

    Steve Perry is a contributing editor to The Rake. He can be reached at steve@rakemag.com.

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  • Unsafe at Any Speed

    On the shelf in my fourth grade classroom—north wall, near the front—there sat the obligatory set of junior encyclopedias. Now and again during lulls in study time, either Brenda S. or I would go and retrieve the R volume. Then, hunched conspiratorially near the back of the room, we would inspect at length the cross-sectioned diagrams of the human reproductive anatomy. The details of interior plumbing were of no great interest to us, but we always lingered over the sketched male and female forms that surrounded them like sausage casings—the ample, pendulous breasts on one side, the dejected-looking penis on the other—while exchanging fraught, knowing looks. Proust had his madeleines; I have Brenda, the book, and the occasional glimpse of her training bra straps. Without question it was one of the most enlightening experiences of my elementary school years. Nowadays, alas, it would be grounds for throwing one or both of us in the kiddie calaboose and tattooing Sex Offender on our foreheads.

    Do I exaggerate? Not by much. Judith Levine’s endlessly reviled Harmful to Minors: The Perils of Protecting Kids From Sex contains numerous stories of youngsters branded sexual predators and forced into humiliating regimens of “counseling” for behavior no less benign. Surely by now you have heard of Levine’s book, published a couple months ago by the University of Minnesota Press after being declined by a string of commercial publishers. Before the ink was dry, pols and shrinks were rising as one to condemn it. The charge? Soft on child sex abuse, which in the present climate is as good as being soft on communism (and lord, how we miss communism) or brown-skinned terrorists.

    Levine’s book is a fine, brave, doomed effort at putting into perspective various matters concerning children, adolescents, sex, sex abuse, and sex education. It’s true that Levine starts by debunking the child sex-abuse hysteria that has caused convulsions all round the U.S. since the spate of day care sex abuse scandals in Jordan, Minnesota, and across the country in the 1980s. Despite the fact those cases proved to be fictions promulgated by zealous interrogators and small children anxious to please them, the stranger with candy—the adult predator seeking children to sodomize, or worse—has become one of our more durable icons and useful political props.

    Levine commits two principal heresies against right-thinking. First, she asserts that the stranger with candy is not really the problem we make him out to be. (On the special matter of priests with candy—who, call them what you will, can scarcely be termed strangers—more in a second.) She notes that a great many incidents of extra-familial “sex abuse” involve consensual liaisons between adolescents a little below the age of consent and boyfriends or girlfriends a little above it. As regards the great bogeyman in all this, the pedophile moving with stealth through Internet chat rooms, she makes two interesting points: first, that the manufacture and distribution of kiddie porn through the Internet is controlled almost exclusively by police agencies running sting operations (an LAPD detective is quoted boasting as much); and second, that the National Center for Missing and Exploited Children places the total number of reported adult/adolescent assignations arranged through the Internet from 1994-96 at a whopping 23. The Internet was young then; if you assume the number has tripled or quadrupled with the growth of online households since then, you come to 50 or so cases a year across the entire country. Hardly the epidemic we’re led to believe, particularly when you bear in mind that a high proportion of these involve nerdy guys not much over the age of consent and lonely girls not much under.

    The terrible irony is that it’s not the stranger with candy putting kids at risk. The vast majority of such abuse occurs in or near the home at the hands of male adults in positions of authority and trust—the father, the uncle, and to a far greater extent than even the most cynical supposed, the parish priest. Interesting factoid from the May 11 Star Tribune: In 1989, at the time of Jacob Wetterling’s disappearance, there were no fewer than 11 priests cooling their heels after sex abuse allegations at St. John’s in nearby Collegeville, news that surely must have astounded all those Church officials now pleading ignorance to the scope and duration of the problem.

    Levine’s second and more radical heresy rests in her belief that post-pubescent teens are bound to explore sex, entitled to do so, and perfectly capable of having constructive sexual experiences. In these abstinence-only days, parents do not like the idea that their kids are sexual beings for many reasons, some practical and worthy, some selfish and narrow. The abstinence movement, notes Levine, is partly about “reversing, or at least holding back, the coming of age, which for parents is a story of loss, as their children establish passionate connections with people and values outside the family.” This being America, we should also ask how many parents do not feel a pin-prick of resentment over their kids’ newfound power to explore pleasures unsanctioned by the parent. So it’s hardly surprising they’d rather tell their kids not to think of it. But in the age of AIDS and of dwindling abortion rights, “child protection” of this sort comes at a terrific cost.

    Steve Perry is a contributing editor to The Rake. He can be reached at steve@rakemag.com.

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  • The Un-Natural

    Here is Jim Carrey, telling you pretty much everything you need to know about Jim Carrey: “I just knew [from an early age] that I needed a lot of attention from a lot of people and I needed to prove to the world that I was magic. That was the underlying factor in everything. It’s the underlying reason why I do this.”

    Don’t a lot of actors say things like this? They do. The difference is, Carrey means it. He really really means it. In a Hollywood where there is rarely very much at stake anymore besides money, Carrey’s quixotic quest for the best that Hollywood stardom has to offer is the most interesting high-wire act around—maybe even the only one around, at present.

    His career as a topline star commenced in 1994 with Ace Ventura: Pet Detective, an unusually apt vehicle in that Carrey was allowed to take what started as a fairly straight B-picture (think Jim Belushi and K-9) and turn it into a farce on the strength of his manic mugging and ad-libbing. Two things were immediately evident: He could do physical comedy like no one else in generations, and he’d stand on your throat to get your attention. But it was more than attention Carrey meant to command. He wanted love, adulation, respect—whatever you had. It’s hard to think of another male actor quite so needy. He’s practically an Y-chromosome version of Marilyn Monroe.

    And Carrey was nothing if not likeable. His comedy contained nothing of its era’s defining cynicism, which was less a creative decision than a reflection of the fact that Jim Carrey is not wired to understand cynicism. Cynics stand outside. Carrey wanted in. His métier was not the smirk but the full-bore anarchic grin that only grew wider the harder he chomped on the scenery. There was no malice and no condescension in anything he did, just a gleeful sense of the untapped absurdities lurking in every scene.

    But there was an undercurrent of menace, too, without which the rapid-fire gags would have worn out pretty quickly. If Carrey seemed a little like a stray dog that licks your hand and follows you home, you always half-expected this particular mutt to attack anyone who tried to leave the room while he was doing his tricks. Ben Stiller’s The Cable Guy (1996) is Carrey’s best performance, and his best movie, for exactly that reason. It was also his first box-office stiff. Nobody wanted a Carrey who wouldn’t go home, who held on to your ankle and gnawed until he drew real blood. Nobody wanted a comedy that played fast and loose with the kind of bottomless loneliness that turns its victims into dangerous people.

    He followed The Cable Guy with two movies that represented much safer bets: the gloppy, wholesome Liar Liar (1997) and The Truman Show (1998), a concept movie of middling merits that posed considerably greater risks for director Peter Weir than for Carrey. It’s tempting to suppose that Carrey made them partly because he wanted no part of roles like The Cable Guy that put his rising star at risk, but it’s not so; the lead times of Hollywood productions being what they are, he was signed to both projects before The Cable Guy bombed. The path his career has followed is the one dictated from the start by his aspirations and the way he defines success. What a friend of mine lamented a couple of years back as the “Tom-Hanksification” of Carrey—the process of turning him into a latter-day Gary Cooper, a totem of idealism and uprightness—has been in the cards all along. And each step of the way it has involved discarding a little more of what Carrey does best in the pursuit of what he needs most.

    I’ve always suspected that Carrey isn’t as interested in acting as he lets on. Yes, he takes pride in his craft, approaches it with diligence and usually intelligence, seems to enjoy the challenge of unraveling a character. That’s not the point. What I mean is that it’s all a means to an end—that he wants to be a star and an idol much more than he wants to be an artist. That’s a crucial difference. In the end Jim Carrey needs to mainline adulation. He has to be loved for being Jim Carrey, not for anything he manages to create as an artist (hence all the painful, compulsive confessionalism in his interviews). It leaves him little room to differentiate himself from the parts he plays (remember all the bizarre tales of his transmogrifying into Andy Kauffman on the set of Man on the Moon), or conversely to differentiate the parts he plays from the way he wishes to be seen. And he wishes to be seen as someone who never gives offense, is impossible not to like.

    Which leads inevitably enough to Opie Howard’s shining, saccharine Grinch and the even greater depths of The Majestic, the execrable little post-WWII fable that’s being released to home video this month. They call it “Capra-esque,” but Capra never made anything this treacly. Carrey does everything but lick the camera to pull you nearer, but it’s a con. You know there are plenty of things he’s too afraid to show you. Even the Academy Award nominators, usually suckers for simpering flattery, were repelled this time. But no matter. “Carrey has never been better,” raved Roger Ebert. The show must go on.

    Don’t bet that he’s through, though. He’s presently linked to three projects, and two of them sound like stinkers—a God-for-a-day comedy called Bruce Almighty; a social drama called Children of the Dust Bowl that’s sure to be Spielberg-ian in its middlebrow sentimentality; and a Howard Hughes biopic with Memento director Christopher Nolan. After that he would probably run for president if he could. But as a native-born Canadian he can’t, so he’s stuck in the movies. Once he’s Forrest-Gumped his way to an Oscar and sees how little it assuages in him, it’s hard telling what Carrey may do. He might even get interested in the work for its own sake.

    The Majestic is available on DVD beginning June 17.

  • Three-Card Monte

    On a recent Sunday at Knollwood Mall in Hopkins, a dozen or so baseball card dealers and traders huddled grimly behind folding tables as the occasional stray shopper passed by. A mere two or three years ago the weekend card shows were several times the size of this one, and prices were astronomical. Not anymore. How to cope with the newly diminished state of affairs? One seller at the Hopkins gathering, a surly balding man named Rick with a ridiculous haircut, actively trumped the customers disinterest with his own. In those rare moments when anyone asked to see the wares stacked in his locked display case, he only glared at them and demanded to know which card they were looking for. No listee, no lookee.

    Thirty years ago, before the “serious” card collector’s market existed, only one company—Topps—was still making baseball cards. And because they were for kids and modestly priced, most of them wound up in the trash eventually. If you bought cards and saved them, you might possess something genuinely scarce. The modern collector’s market was born in the late 70s and early 80s as nostalgia-starved baby boomers started paying hefty prices for these talismans of their youth. By 1989, when a company called Upper Deck rolled out its first series, there was suddenly an unprecedented number of new or resurrected baseball card lines.

    It was Upper Deck that almost single-handedly transformed the business, first with its glossy production values and later with its proliferation of specialized high-end card lines and marketing innovations such as autograph cards and memorabilia cards, the latter featuring embedded snippets of “game-used” this or that—jerseys, bats, caps, balls, bases, stadium seats; even, in one case, game-used dirt.

    The advent of autograph and memorabilia cards changed the industry in a couple ways. It gave manufacturers a direct piece of the top-end collectors’ business, which previously had been an after-market that took years to ripen as cards aged and grew scarce. And it turned baseball card collecting into a species of gambling. These cards were seeded into packs at exceedingly low rates; Upper Deck’s first memorabilia cards typically appeared at rates of one in 2,500 or more packs.

    As they exploded in popularity (and purported value—anywhere from $20 to over $1,000 apiece according to the monthly Beckett price guides), these specialty cards came to drive the industry. Predictably, the card companies rushed to give buyers more of what they wanted. By now it’s become common for the higher-end products to contain autographs and memorabilia at rates of one, two, three per box, even one per pack in premium lines. The trouble, of course, is that this glut has destroyed the cards’ book value. Meanwhile the manufacturers’ suggested retail prices have only kept climbing. As a result, it’s not at all unusual to pay $150-$200 per box for the chance to glean a card you would be lucky to get $30 or $40 for at a show. It’s a sucker’s bazaar. Lottery scratch games offer better odds.

    And the suckers are catching on. Tim Smith has toiled in these vineyards of human abasement for seven years as the proprietor of the Sports Card Exchange in Robbinsdale. Nowadays, though, his retail shop accounts for barely a third of his income. The rest comes from card shows and Internet auctions. Smith pines for the days when card-collecting was not the near-exclusive province of aging, obsessive white men with too much money. “Ever since Pokémon,” he laments, “kids have abandoned sports cards and not looked back. And they really couldn’t afford most of the products if they did want them.”

    It is a strange and dispiriting business, he admits. “It’s the only retail industry I know that’s dictated by price guides. They’re the ones who tell us every month what our product is worth.” He shakes his head. “And nobody believes them anyway.”

  • Keep On: Nellie Stone Johnson, 1905-2002

    This morning I sat around watching it rain outside and trying to cull some signal moment from the many hours I spent with my friend Nellie Stone Johnson, the labor/civil rights legend who died April 2 at the age of 96—some little story that might sum her up for purposes of a remembrance like this. But there isn’t any. She was too thoroughly a force of nature for that. According to the terms of an old Jewish parable, the student travels from afar not to hear the great rabbi interpret the Talmud but to watch him tie his shoes. So it was with Nellie. She wore who she was and where she had been in her every aspect: the sharp, graceful lines of her face, the easy dignity with which she carried herself, the burning clarity and urgency in her voice. If you had any sense, you simply drank it in whenever the chance presented itself.

    I first met Nellie in 1990. She phoned me at City Pages one day out of the blue to say that she liked the things I had been writing and we ought to meet. The truth is I’d never heard of Nellie Stone Johnson. I had no idea this woman had made more history than anyone else still alive and kicking round here. Nonetheless, something in her manner precluded my saying no. We met for lunch, and after talking for an hour or so she gave me my second directive: “I think you might want to interview me for a story in your paper.” I did as I was told.

    During those years at City Pages, she became a mentor to several of us on staff—Monika Bauerlein, Jennifer Vogel, me. And in having her way with us she could be as dogged and as demanding as she ever was in confronting foes. Many was the time the phone rang at 2:00 on Tuesday afternoon, a couple of hours from press deadline, to disgorge Nellie from the other end, primed for her one of her pack-a-lunch lectures on some piece of skullduggery she was trying to bring to light. It didn’t matter that you had heard this one before and had more pressing things to do; you listened, and it was always worth as much time as it required.

    Within a couple of days of her passing, both the Minneapolis and St. Paul papers published long, glowing tributes. I read them with faint distaste. It’s in the nature of obituaries to domesticate whatever they seek to memorialize; saint and scoundrel alike turn cuddly in death’s embrace. So let us say it one last time, with emphasis: Nellie Stone Johnson did not like to be called a lady or a liberal. Despite her extensive involvement in practical politics—she visited the Capitol more than some legislators—Nellie remained a radical, as the Pioneer Press correctly noted, a former member of the Young Communists League, the Young Socialists, the Socialist Workers Party, and several other hard-line labor groups. She was a fighter from first to last. But she was never content to be a marginal character. Nellie helped midwife the merger of the Democratic and Farmer-Labor parties in 1944. Much later, at an age when most people are retired, she served a stint on the Democratic National Committee. Her radicalism ensured that she always had far more enemies than friends; these included the establishment civil rights organizations, a sizable number of liberal middle class feminists, and anyone else from either party who would neglect or subvert the hard-won gains in labor and civil rights she had given her life to.

    After she died everyone took pains to say that even her enemies respected her, as if that meant a damn thing. I can tell you for the record that she had no use for their reverence; she saw it for the patronizing flip-off it was. All her life she was wise enough to stay clear of the clutches of anyone who might disarm her. That is why she passed up the countless political jobs and other bits of patronage that could have been hers across the years. She sacrificed enormously and without complaint, continuing to operate her seamstress shop on Nicollet Mall well past the age of 85, until finally she could not walk up the stairs anymore.

    But then again it hardly amounted to sacrifice in her eyes. She was exactly where she wanted to be. As Walter Mondale put it, with affection and perhaps a little discomfiture, she was a tough old bird. Unlike so many leaders of the civil rights movement, Nellie had no real use for the church. She respected its political contributions but harbored no affinity for musings about God. “I just figured it was real simple,” she told me once. “You do what you can for people and you don’t worry about God.” I doubt she’d have called herself an atheist; that would imply too much attention to the question. She was an Enlightenment rationalist to her core. Her whole ideology could be nailed down with two planks—the value of education and the dignity of a decent job.

    “She was so incredibly generous,” Jennifer Vogel wrote me a couple of days later, “but she wouldn’t have seen it that way. She fought because that was the only thing a decent, seeing person could do. I also liked how she gathered soldiers along the way. She saw the best in those who were trying to do good. She was forgiving of weakness, though I’m not sure she truly understood it. She looked past whatever your particular fears were and tried to nurture your strengths.”

    Nellie’s public life was everything to her, and that is where she sought and found her friends. She eventually abandoned any pretense to traditional domesticity after her second failed marriage and toiled on by herself for another 50 years, a life odyssey that surely befitted one so indefatigable and so fiercely unsentimental. If she were reading this I imagine she’d say about now, That’s all very well; you wrote some nice things. But if I was your teacher, then what is it I taught you? All right then. Call this the short list.

    Do the legwork.
    Know your history.
    Concern yourself with others, always.
    Stay busy and you will stay as close to selfless as possible.
    Keep your own counsel; be beholden to no one.
    Be proud of what you do.
    Let good faith be its own reward.
    Remember that regret wastes time.
    Keep on.

    Steve Perry is a contributing editor to The Rake. He can be reached at steve@rakemag.com.

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  • Let’s Roll!®

    I shuffled past the television this morning—March 11, the six-month anniversary of the shots heard round the world—in time to see Lisa Beamer on the Today Show, weeping at the behest of Katie Couric. (At 45, the terminally pert Couric is still the cutest succubus on television.) My first thought, I’m ashamed to say, was this: It can’t be very easy anymore, crying on cue that way. In recent months anyone who surfs the news programs has been subjected to Lisa Beamer’s teary face on every outlet worth mentioning. The soundtrack is always the same, a snippet from Elvis Costello’s “Pills & Soap”: “They talk to the sister, the father and the mother/ With a microphone in one hand and a checkbook in the other/ And the camera noses in to the tears on her face…”

    Mrs. Beamer, as everyone knows by now, was the wife of the late Todd Beamer, one of the principals in the passenger uprising on United Flight 93, the hijacked jet that crashed in a Pennsylvania field. Lately she’s all over the tube again. There was the birth of her daughter in January, now the 9/11 anniversary—and sandwiched between the two, the revelation that she is trying to copyright her husband’s endlessly regurgitated parting salvo, “Let’s roll!” “We believe we own ‘Let’s roll’ because Todd said it and it was attributed to him,” says Beamer’s attorney, Paul Kennedy. “We’re going to do all that’s necessary to protect that.” Well, a widow’s got to do what a widow’s got to do. Meantime she is also preparing a memoir (tentatively called Let’s Roll!—of course) to be published in September (of course, of course…) by the Christian publishing firm Tyndale House, purveyors of the mega-selling Left Behind novels of religious apocalypse.

    I was curious to know just how many times Beamer has spoken to the press since 9/11, so I tracked down one of her publicists, Helen Cook. Cook didn’t profess to have an exact count, but agreed that 200 or so would be a reasonable estimate. No wonder she has a personal media representative and at least two outside PR guns. Even before her book deal she was named one of People’s “25 Most Intriguing People of 2001.” Intriguing, hell. She’s hot—in a wistful, understated way that becomes her young widowhood. She is also articulate and relentlessly upbeat. The media never tire of her.

    And God knows she never tires of them. Beamer’s utter lack of compunction about repeatedly baring her grief and the mundane, intimate details of her family’s life on television may be, in her mind, the dutiful expression of her evangelical Christianity (evangelicals are taught never to shy from any opportunity for witnessing, especially an electronic one), but it reaches the rest of us as something else: just another spasm of celebrity self-disclosure, albeit of an unusual sort. Her ubiquity on the news magazine shows has already spawned countless jokes: Hi, this is Lisa Beamer. Could you let Diane Sawyer know that on Thursday I’m going to be taking my kids to the mall for the first time since Todd’s death? Get back to me soon—Jane Pauley is all over me on this one.

    All right, one might say, but what exactly is so terrible about that? It may be unseemly, but at worst the only sin of Lisa Beamer and her media patrons is banality. That’s entirely too facile and too generous. There is an irreducibly private dimension to real grief, a point at which one’s own words and the kind intentions of others all run to ground and we can only bear what follows in silence. And that silence is not a bad thing; it’s a measure of respect, for oneself and for what is lost, as well as an acknowledgment of the hard things we all must bear on our own eventually. The media’s incessant flogging of Beamer’s story, and her eager collaboration in it, amount to a grotesque comment on the very idea of grief and loss. They take catastrophic personal tragedy and cheapen it by making it feel like a publicity stunt—a set of gestures repeatedly enacted for the cameras.

    The syndicated cartoonist Ted Rall dared suggest as much in his February 28 posting, entitled “Terror Widows.” In a series of six panels it paints the 9/11 survivors making the talk show rounds as callow showbiz apparatchiks. “The unbearable grief of the empty spot in your conjugal bed must weigh down your heart with unimaginable pain,” says a Good Morning America interviewer to one of them. “Huh?” she replies. “Oh, yeah, definitely.” Rall’s cartoon was pulled from the New York Times and Washington Post web sites after some 9/11 families cried foul. To his credit Rall was unrepentant, going so far as to call Lisa Beamer’s behavior “cynical, crass, and gauche.”

    Also sinister, for reasons quite apart from her own motives. Remember always that in wartime, propaganda is a chief preoccupation of government and its major media adjuncts. This means, at the most obvious level, a ceaseless and numbing proliferation of caricatured heroes and villains. Yes, the police and firefighters caught up in the events of September 11 demonstrated courage and dedication. But after you have assented to this proposition a few hundred times, it tends to lose its savor and even its meaning. Or rather the meaning changes—genuine instances of heroism and sacrifice become nothing more than veiled warnings, inducements to the rest of us to keep our mouths shut and rally round the flag.

    Which brings us to the centerpiece of the six-month anniversary commemorations, CBS’s abundantly hyped 9/11 documentary. It was a mess, frankly, marred by studiously cool narration that talked too much and refused to let the footage on the screen stand on its own as the ultimate verité document it could have been. 9/11 was assembled in a manner that militated against any direct experience by the viewer of what was happening. Watching it you could almost suppose that the Trade Center bombings were staged as the mother of all training exercises, a backdrop against which good men could prove their mettle. Like the Beamer saga and all the other wretched post-attack uplift pieces, it strained too much to present September 11 as all heroism and no horror. And that is the falsest, most demeaning note of all.

    Steve Perry is a contributing editor to The Rake. He can be reached at steve@rakemag.com.

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