Tag: history

  • Uncle Tom Jew

    In the seconds between shoving my third and fourth White Castle-sized pork sandwich down my throat, I yelled across the lavishly appointed basement toward my host. He and his wife had invited fifty Twin Cities WASPs, and me, to watch Mike Tyson’s pay-per-view, main-event boxing match in Las Vegas against heavyweight Frans Botha on their wide-screen television.

    I was more interested in the undercard fight for the junior cruiserweight championship belt between the Brooklyn-born Ethiopian Jew Zab Judah and Wilfredo Negron.

    “Hey, Jim, call me when the Hebe’s fight comes on,” I said from the kitchen. I then turned toward the Minnesota crowd waiting with empty buns on paper plates for their own turns at the buffet.

    “Zab Judah is the only Yid champ left!” I said loudly to no one in particular but to everybody specifically. “Naturally, they’ll never make the Hebe the headline bout, the Nazi bastards!”

    Someone handed me a Budweiser, my fourth of the night. “Well, I usually don’t do this,” I said, laughing, as I popped the top. “I’m not from a drinking people, you know. It’s right there in the Old Testament, Genesis, Chapter Four in the book of Shmeckel: ‘And God gave Moses the bong, and it was good. And He said if thou shalt spill the bong water on the carpet, it shalt reek for seven generations…’ ”

    The kitchen exploded. “I missed that one in Sunday school,” a blond woman said, laughing the hardest.

    As usual, I was enticed by her Crest smile, the way she laughed at my jokes like they, or I, were deeper than I was letting on. The delicate little gold cross on a chain hung over her turtleneck, indicating she was as forbidden to me as I was to her. This was my kind of woman. When asked why I went out only with non-Jewish women, I had a stock reply that further outraged or cracked up most any audience I was able to gather.

    “Jewish women hate me,” I said that night, as I often did. “I think I remind them of their annoying Uncle Morty, the schmuck at the Seder table with the stupid hundred-year-old Borscht Belt jokes. They want lawyers from Plymouth, not writers living in the middle of the city. As Abbie Hoffman said, ‘You go for the gelt or you go for broke.’ They don’t want to go for broke.”

    In my more self-righteous moments I likened myself to an Abbie Hoffman—a troublemaking Jew. I hadn’t gone what I considered the easy route of a suburban-bred Twin Cities Jew. I wasn’t a lawyer or orthodontist trained at the University of Minnesota. I hadn’t been a member of Sigma Alpha Mu, the Jewish fraternity known as the Sammies. My generation of Minneapolis Jews had almost all gone for the gelt, eventually ending up in a house with 2.3 kids in Twin Cities’ suburban gilded ghetto.

    I viewed them from afar as judgmental and ignorant. In my professional life as a reporter and writer, I took pride in being as secular as I was “objective”—even when my work touched on religion. One of my biggest stories was breaking the news in Rolling Stone that Bob Dylan had converted back to Judaism. I’d scored an interview with Rabbi Manis Friedman, the Minneapolis Hasid who’d brought Dylan back into the fold. Even then, I held myself above the Twin Cities’ Jewish community. I was better than them.

    Of course, I was the one judging, projecting my own despair and need to belong back at them. I saw how they took care of each other when someone died: the shiva, the food, the communal tears. I wondered narcissistically who would mourn me. Though I pretended not to care, I did. Outwardly, at least, I wanted to emulate my heroic Jewish outlaws; I wanted to join the spirit of people like the ones enumerated by Kinky Friedman, the mystery writer and founder of a country and western band called the Texas Jewboys.

    From Moses, Friedman had said, “a long line of Jewish troublemakers followed—Baruch Spinoza, Karl Marx, Groucho Marx, Lenny Bruce, Abbie Hoffman—who were spiritual beacons in a [gentile] world.” Friedman believed that Hoffman, Marx, and Bruce also served as lighthouses for frightened Jews who for millennia would “shun trouble, avoid at all cost confrontations … we who look in our mirrors [and] are mildly surprised that we’re still here.”

    Now, that was me. I felt like an obsolete pinball machine whose spare parts hadn’t been made. I was also a self-deluded fool. Standing here, outraging my audience, I was no Jewish outlaw like Abbie, throwing bills to the floor of the Stock Exchange. At best I was a Vegas lounge act.

    Unconsciously, I threw in a joke to the crowd in the kitchen, a Henny Youngman one-liner:

    “Why do Jewish husbands always die before Jewish wives?” I asked.

    “Because they want to.”

    The room erupted. I reached for another beer.

    I was shticking like Milton Berle on crystal meth, using a speed rap I’d developed at college parties to get a group of gentile women to encircle me. If they were laughing at my rap, I figured, they couldn’t ogle the sensitive guitar player singing Grateful Dead tunes in the living room. In Minneapolis—at concerts, ball games, dinner parties, the theater during intermission, walking along the street, or standing in a virtual stranger’s kitchen eating trayf (nonkosher food)—I delighted in outraging the gentiles. I was engaged in shtetl shpritzing, Jewish jazz.

    Did my non-Jewish friends perchance want to see my horns, I’d ask, or the yellow stripe running down my back? And gee, I’d throw in, sorry about killing your Lord and all that, it was a party, things got out of hand, he didn’t chip in for the Last
    Supper’s tip.

    “Shpritzing?” the blonde at the party asked.

    “Surrounded by other Jewish wise guys, usually at a diner or deli, you just shoot out jokes as fast as you can and everybody tries to top you,” I said, staring at her. “When they were young, Lenny Bruce (né Leonard Schneider), Rodney Dangerfield (né Jacob Cohen), Jerry Lewis (né Joseph Levitch), and whatever Jewish comic was in town shoehorned themselves into a booth in a Brooklyn diner and shpritzed faster than Chuck Yeager flew. Shpritzing was the Jewish right stuff. Henny Youngman claimed that Jerry Lewis even shtupped a woman in the candy store’s phone booth without missing the beat of his jokes. Now Lenny, there was a Jew considered a shanda fur di goyim.”

    Nobody asked what shtupping was, but the blond woman said, “I heard of Lenny Bruce, he was in that REM song about the end of the world. What is a … shalen goy …?”

    “A shanda fur di goyim is the worst thing one Jew can say to another—it means you’re such a rat bastard that you make all Jews look bad in front of the goyim.” They all laughed. Christ, the gentiles loved being called goyim to their faces by a crazy Jew.

    How could I make such a spectacle of myself and talk such trash, be such an unmitigated ass, I wondered briefly, a suddenly conscious current of self-loathing making me want to crawl out of my skin. But I quickly repressed the noxious feeling that mocked who I had become during the last two decades—a buffoon who despised who he was and where he’d come from.

    Even when I was a kosher-keeping and religious youth, studying Hebrew and Aramaic harder than anyone I knew, I’d tried to get away from my ancestry and be just an American kid.

    As split inside as Cain and Abel, I’d had plans to be a rabbi, yet I’d always wanted to fit in, to assimilate. I didn’t want to be just a “normal” kid but rather a brave outlaw. So I was the bookie for my tenth-grade class, taking bets in the lunchroom on Friday for that Sunday’s game before heading home to prepare for Shabbos.

    I’d totaled four cars, been arrested for big-ticket shoplifting at fourteen, had my license suspended at seventeen. At school I wrestled and played hockey, punching and flipping gentiles on their backs to middling success, but at least proving I was no weakling Jew. Only later did I realize that this was about asserting my masculinity. I felt that as a Jew my manhood was always in question. Just as most Jewish women are revolted by the stereotype of the JAP—the Jewish American Princess—I was repulsed by perceptions of the weak, pale yeshiva boys Isaac Babel wrote of, “studying in fright in the shtetl, with spectacles on [their] nose and autumn in their heart.”

    Even when I’d believed, I’d often pulled against my Hebraic side in the great assimilation tug-of-war. At Jewish summer camp, I always had a great time with the kids who hated being there in the first place. I’d wear a tallis, a prayer shawl, if I had to go to synagogue. It looked like a funky scarf. But as for putting on and wearing tefillin, the black prayer-box phylacteries bound at the head and arm? Kish mir in tuchus. Kiss my ass. The last time I’d donned the ridiculous-looking straps had been at camp. There, I remembered my overwhelming thought each day as I prayed, a fourteen-year-old bound into these goofy straps and boxes on my arm and atop my head: I’m glad nobody at school can see this.

    Even now, when I’d make an occasional and strained effort at being a good Jew, I wouldn’t put on tefillin. It made me shiver to think of wearing something that was as much a feature of anti-Semitic caricatures as it was a religious object.

    The last half-dozen years of attempted assimilation since my divorce had been the worst. Some people learn their life lessons by running into a brick wall once before learning to go around; I often crashed a hundred times before I figured out what was wrong. I never thought of the ancient joke that applied to me: Why are you hitting yourself on the head with a board over and over?

    Because it feels so good when I stop.

    ***

    “I don’t want to miss the Hebe,” I reminded some strangers in the kitchen.

    My own offensiveness—and what it said about my lack of self-respect—was more than counterbalanced by the flattering attention of an all-gentile, all-American crowd laughing at the outrageous goofy Jew playing the shtetl idiot for their amusement. Still soaking in the laughter, I continued to hang in back where the cohost Celeste was ladling shredded pork from a steaming silver kettle into mini-Wonder Bread buns.

    “Didn’t eat today, Neal? Would you like another?” she asked, but before I could say yes, she grew stricken. “Oh, God. I’m so sorry. Pork. I should have had another dish!”

    I wondered if she even would have known my religion if I hadn’t made such a spectacle of myself. “Don’t be silly, I’m a pork slut,” I responded, piling my paper plate high.

    “I didn’t know Jews could eat pork,” said Celeste as she watched me snarf my fifth sandwich in one bite. “Don’t you go to hell? No, wait—Jews don’t believe in hell, right?”

    “Anybody Catholic here?” I asked, an equal-opportunity mocker. A few hands in the kitchen went up. “I think priests should get married so they’d really know what hell is.”

    Rim shot. I felt a brief shiver of hating myself, but everyone was laughing again. And then the tug from the other side, the long-ago-educated-in-Judaism side. “Jews have hell,” I said defensively. “It’s called Gehenna. And actually, Celeste,” I said, pork juice dribbling out of my mouth, “I didn’t taste pig until I was twenty-one. I almost became a rabbi.”

    “You? I don’t believe it.”

    “No shit. Me a rabbi. Sagely telling everybody what to do. Like they need any help. My sermons every week would have been the same nine-word history of the tribe: ‘They tried to kill us; we won; let’s eat.’”

    I was a Jewish Uncle Tom. And for almost two decades, I’d been busy reinventing myself, reinforcing the worst stereotypes of Jews and the community. I’d once taken that community to my heart like a precious birthright but then tossed it away like worthless fool’s gold. My Judaism hadn’t retreated; it had evaporated.

    “I was knockin’ on heaven’s door my senior year in college when I realized I believed in heaven and God only half the time. I’d have become what I always loathed—one of those self-righteous rabbis who’d tormented me for the previous fifteen years,” I said.
    “God, I’m stunned,” Celeste said. “I mean, I’ve only met you a few times but, um, I always thought you were just, pardon me for saying … a clown. Like that’s what you wanted to be. Not that there’s anything wrong with that,” she said, recovering nicely.
    “In Yiddish, it’s called shtick. This is my shtick.”

    “So you decided to play a full-time clown instead of a half-believing rabbi?” Celeste said, needling me as she tried to figure out the equation.

    “Hey, the hours are better. The only thing I have in common with Jews is that I don’t like to work on Saturdays.”

    The kitchen crowd had gathered around again as I continued to shtick in earnest, and I didn’t hear Jim yell to me from the front of the room when Zab Judah was heading from his dressing room to the ring, led by his entourage of black Jewish friends and family. It would have been a rare and happy sight for me to see a Jewish boxing champion. Yiddishkeit. Lore.

    In my role as a Jewish Uncle Tom, I also told the usual, sickest, most outrageous Jewish jokes I knew to non-Jewish friends—my only friends. I told those jokes, the ones only Jews supposedly can tell, but never in a roomful of non-Jews, even if they were getting paid for it.

    “Why do Jews have such long noses?”

    “Because air is free.”

    Or:

    “How many Jews can you fit in a Volkswagen?”

    “47,293. Two in front, two in back, and 47,289 in the ashtray.”

    I wanted to belong.

    Then I heard Jim’s voice cutting through the din of the crowd and the giant television. The host was a swell-hearted, brainy guy who I knew didn’t harbor a single racist or anti-Semitic thought. But now he’d been pushed and revved by an earlier riff of mine about Jewish boxers and my continuing blasphemous references to my people.

    “Hey, Neal!” he yelled over fifty gentile heads. “The Hebe won!”

    He suddenly looked as horrified as his wife when she offered me a pork sandwich. He waxed relieved when I laughed louder than anyone in the room.

    My shtick seemed to bring out the worst in people. After I riffed to a woman with the sorry-to-have-killed-your-Lord routine, she nodded in agreement and made a reference to “Jew people” that clanged against my ears. “Wow,” she said, “that’s weird. I’ve never said ‘Jew people’ before.”

    Only later, while reading Professor Michael Burleigh’s acclaimed The Third Reich: A New History, did I understand that I was actually encouraging people to be anti-Semitic. Hitler’s obsessions, Burleigh wrote, “concerned an abstraction dubbed ‘the Jew’ rather than actual Jews.”

    Jew people.

    ***

    A few minutes before the Tyson bout, two familiar faces from my high-school class entered the basement. Bob and Judy Schwartz. She wore a diamond as big as the Ritz. He worked as a money manager and drove a BMW convertible. I shouted across the room, “What are you doing here? I’m supposed to be the only Jew here!”

    Bob laughed, not sure what the joke was.

    “Don’t be a shanda fur di goyim!” I yelled, wishing I could call out instead to everyone else in the room. Hey goyim, I’m a goy! Don’t think of me that way, like the Schwartzes! I thought their material life was gaudy, but deep down I wanted to be part of a community, invited to bar mitzvahs, brises, shivas, and be proud of my birthright.

    I couldn’t have been more insulting to the Schwartzes if I’d called Bob a schmuck on a stick. But neither knew Yiddish, I remembered from their short stints in elementary Hebrew school. They were the kind of Jews my age who lived in massive suburban houses and seemed to work in what they always referred to as “financial services.” The kind I knew called African Americans schvartzes, Yiddish just this side of “nigger”; when they ran into me with a date (I’d later hear) they had called her a shiksa, an epithet just a bit up from the curb from “whore.”

    They saw themselves as holy Jews, but they had never embraced any sense of Yiddishkeit, the essence of the religion beyond their prayers, encompassing every tale that swelled Jews’ hearts with pride, from Moses receiving the Torah to Sandy Koufax, the Los Angeles Dodger who sat out the first game of the 1965 World Series right here in Minneapolis because it was Yom Kippur.

    All that had eluded the Schwartzes in their inexorable trek to the suburbs. I had escaped Minneapolis’s shtetl, specifically to study back east with Rabbi Jacob Neusner, the Orthodox professor, because he was—and still is—considered the country’s most brilliant Jewish academic scholar. From there, went my announced plan to my family, I was going to Hebrew Union College, in Cincinnati, where I’d be ordained. Then I’d return and try and make these Jews from my hometown finally think, to try and show that having a Yiddishe kopf meant more than knowing where to get it wholesale.

    Calling them a shanda fur di goyim was a terrible thing to say to the Schwartzes, and I felt a wave of physical revulsion at my own rudeness. Thank God they were so ignorant of Yiddishkeit. Still, my enmity was pretty obvious.

    Perhaps it was out of pure jealousy that I didn’t want to be associated with the Bob and Judy Schwartzes of Minneapolis. They weren’t torn as I was between the gentile world and the Jews; they seemed to feel no painful tug. True, I thought they were as phony as paste pearls, but how was it that they were able to become Americans in a way I never could and still retain their status as “good Jews”?

    My stomach suddenly churning, I waved my host over to tell him I had to leave before the main event. Jim looked upset, thinking he’d angered me earlier, and whispered, “I’m sorry about calling Zab Judah a Hebe. I don’t know where that came from. I’ve never used that word in my life.”

    “I know where that came from,” I said, waving off his remorse. “I put that word in your mouth. I made you say it.”
    I left the house in silence, feeling queasier by the minute.

    My father’s entire family had been machine-gunned in Russia and buried in pits, most of them still alive, by Hitler’s advancing Einsatzgruppen, or death squads. Not that I didn’t care about that stuff: To the contrary, I was obsessed with every aspect of the Third Reich, from the Final Solution to irrelevant minutiae concerning whether Hitler’s niece slept with the Führer and then committed suicide, to the dimensions of a can of Zyklon B, the gas dropped in the concentration camp “showers.”

    No longer did I chant Torah in front of a congregation I loved, as I’d done growing up. Instead, alone, I now studied with rage how Franklin Roosevelt ensured the slaughter of millions of Eastern European Jews, first by not allowing them to immigrate to the United States, then by refusing to bomb the train lines that ran directly into Auschwitz, even though American planes were firebombing other train tracks only a few miles away.

    I didn’t have anyone Jewish I respected to talk to about it, even if I’d wanted to.

    I made my obsession a joke, like I was a Civil War reenactor or member of the Flat Earth Society. If asked why I had the entire Nuremburg trials on tape, I’d laugh about how they should rename the History Channel, my favorite station, the Hitler Channel. I told friends that whenever I was depressed, I’d watch some Nazis get hanged, and I’d perk right up.

    My fascination was perverse. I had no idea what I got out of this singularly horrible thing in Judaism—collecting such seminal texts on the war against Jewry as Robert Jay Lifton’s The Nazi Doctors, Daniel Jonah Goldhagen’s Hitler’s Willing Executioners, and Hannah Arendt’s Eichmann in Jerusalem, atop a collection of virulently anti-Semitic literature. I’d think of the old comic-strip character Pogo and his famous line, “We have met the enemy—and he is us.”

    No matter which side pulled harder in my personal tug-of-war between Jew and assimilated American, I was now finally sure of one thing—I was about to be pulled into the mud pit in the middle where the losers end up.

    After slinking away from Jim and the boxing party, I walked into the rain, away from my car, and toward the Mississippi River. I sat on the bank, the mud seeping through my jeans. And then it hit me; just as I was gathering enough strength to lift myself out of my own humiliation and self-pity, the beer and pork sandwiches came up violently, angrily. I kept heaving until there was nothing left, and then again and again, until I was unable to stop gasping and began praying to a God I hadn’t believed in for decades to let me catch my breath.

    Afterward, I pulled up my sleeve to check my Alfred E. Newman watch, the one that the college students I occasionally taught loved to pass around, saying the kitsch was so me. I took off the idiotic timepiece and chucked it into the Mississippi. I was so tired of being me.

    Suddenly, another wave of nausea keeled me over onto all fours. I was a shanda fur mir, a scandal to me. By exiling myself from my own tribe and lusting to be anyone, anything else at all, I’d in fact become nothing.

    Weeks later, I was on a plane from Los Angeles to Minneapolis. I sat down next to a Hasidic rabbi, not knowing at the time that in talking to him I would have one of the most mind-quaking revelations of my life. “Do the Hasidim believe in reincarnation?” I asked Rabbi Manis Friedman.

    He looked at me and smiled. “I believe you can be reincarnated in your own lifetime.”

    Adapted from SHANDA by Neal Karlen. Copyright (c) 2004 by Neal Karlen. Reprinted by permission of Touchstone, an imprint of Simon & Schuster, Inc.

  • The Botched Hanging of William Williams

    A couple of months after President Theodore Roosevelt had given the inaugural address for his second term of office, an itinerant named William Williams was convicted of first-degree murder. In one of Minnesota’s most infamous crimes, Williams had killed a teenage boy, Johnny Keller, and his mother. An English laborer, Williams had worked as a miner and a steamfitter before befriending the teenager two years earlier while they were both hospitalized for diphtheria. Keller had roomed with Williams in different places in St. Paul, and the two had traveled together to Winnipeg in the summer of 1904. Williams and Keller’s father quarreled over his relationship with Johnny. The father told Williams that he would rather put his son in a reform school than let the boy fraternize with Williams.

    In a fit of rage, Williams shot Johnny Keller and his mother in April 1905 when the boy refused to go back to Winnipeg with him. Williams had written letters to Keller that had contained professions of love intermixed with threats. These had gone unanswered. “I want you to believe that I love you now as much as I ever did,” read one letter. “It won’t be long before we will be together.” Another read, “Keep your promise to me this time, old boy, as it is your last chance. You understand what I mean, and should have sense enough to keep your promise.” When Williams returned to St. Paul intent on seeing Johnny Keller, the boy’s father was away. At the Keller home, Williams shot Johnny at close range while he lay in bed. A bullet pierced the back of Keller’s skull, leaving powder marks and singed hair, and another bullet wound was found in the back of the boy’s neck. With Keller’s death, their turbulent relationship, thought by many to be of a homosexual nature, came to an abrupt end.

    The murder trial of William Williams began in May 1905. A police officer testified that Williams appeared at the station on the night of the shooting and said that he had shot someone at No. 1 Reid Court. A doctor also took the stand for the state, testifying that Williams told him he did not know why he shot Johnny Keller, only that he wanted the boy to come with him. Williams himself testified that he had not slept for three nights prior to the shooting, had been drinking that day, and that Mrs. Keller scolded him when he showed up at the Keller residence. After saying she would not let her son go with him, Williams testified, he and the boy had gone to bed until the mother rushed in and seized the boy, screaming that she would not let him go. At that point, Williams said, he lost all consciousness. He claimed that the next thing he knew he was in her room with a revolver in his hands and the room full of smoke. Williams’s unsuccessful defense at trial, as articulated by his lawyer, was “emotional insanity.”

    Williams’s case would put the Ramsey County sheriff, three Twin Cities newspapers, and the state’s death penalty law on a collision course. On May 19, 1905, Williams was found guilty of intentionally killing Johnny Keller, whom Williams, in the Minnesota Supreme Court’s words, had “a strong and strange attachment to.” “There is no evidence to support this defense of complete lapse of memory and consciousness,” the court would rule later, “except the defendant’s improbable testimony to the effect that up to the moment the fatal shots were fired he remembered everything in detail and everything that occurred after they were fired, but has no recollection of firing them.” The deck was stacked against Williams from the start. Williams made incriminating statements prior to trial, his suspected sexual orientation probably aroused bias, and to make matters worse, any potential juror who opposed the death penalty would not be allowed to sit on his jury. During jury selection, Ramsey County Attorney Thomas Kane had successfully excluded otherwise acceptable jurors because of their scruples against the death penalty.

    The early twentieth century’s judicial system moved with considerable speed. Right after Williams’s verdict was read, the trial judge told him that he would be “hanged by the neck until dead.” The appeal process was relatively quick too. On December 8, 1905, the Minnesota Supreme Court affirmed Williams’s conviction and death sentence, saying Williams had shot Keller with “premeditated design to effect his death.” One justice dissented, however, believing that Williams should get a new trial because of irregularities in the proceedings and skepticism about whether Williams really had committed a premeditated murder. The killing had the earmarks of a crime of passion, but the appeal failed.

    Even though he opposed the death penalty, Minnesota Governor John A. Johnson felt compelled to enforce the state’s laws. He thus wasted no time in setting Williams’s execution date for February 13, 1906. Because Ramsey County Sheriff Anton Miesen had been known to invite large numbers of his friends to be execution spectators, Johnson sent Miesen a sternly worded letter accompanying Williams’s death warrant. The letter reminded Sheriff Miesen to “observe” that a state law enacted in 1889 “is very specific as to who may witness executions of this state.” His letter then commanded Miesen, in no uncertain terms, to rigorously adhere to the provisions of that law:


    In view of violations of this law in the past I deem it necessary to charge you with a strict observance of the law. It has been customary in some cases for the sheriff to designate many people as deputy sheriffs for the sole purpose of permitting them to be present and witness the execution.

    Persons permitted by you, except those specifically named in the statute, must not exceed six in number. I trust that the custom that has hitherto obtained will not obtain in this instance.

    It is the duty of this office to hold all officers of the law to a strict accountability in the performance of their duties in upholding the majesty of the law and it would become my duty in case this law is violated to take proper action in the premises.

    Believing you will do your full duty in this matter and be governed strictly by the letter and spirit of the law, I am, sir, yours with great respect.

  • Standing History

    I am upstairs in a dilapidated building. The room is empty and exudes a sense of its age. Wood floorboards and cracked plaster are coated with dust. Late afternoon sun pours through windows that nearly fill one wall, while their grime casts odd shadows. Crouching low, I’m holding some loose cardboard-thin pieces of the floor. I’ve collected several. Although plain at first glance, I turn them over and am alarmed to find text in grand 19th-century typeface, interspersed with fragmented portraits. In one, a youngish, clean-shaven man in a high, starched collar stares past the photographer’s shoulder. His present image can only whisper the care with which he dressed for the sitting. Grainy black-and-white is now nearly gray-on-gray. My heart skips as I realize that I have seriously screwed up. Why didn’t I notice this before? I know I wouldn’t have moved these if I’d seen the printing, and I’m sure it wasn’t there before. My confusion grows as I try to remember specifically where I picked up each piece. Why would printed images be part of a floor?

    The rest of the floor soon distracts me from these questions. Quite ordinary at the edges and toward the middle, it curves sharply upward at the center in a sort of inverse funnel. This area is about the diameter of a tree trunk and flat on top like a stump, about a foot higher than the rest of the floor. Some parts of it have the texture of bark, while otherwise the weathered saw-cut floorboards follow the impossible contours. Before this can begin to make sense, a wooden lid on top wiggles and then falls as a beaver scurries out of the floor. This startles me, of course. The beaver immediately starts to chase a fat cat with matted fur that’s been hanging around the room. I’m concerned for the cat (beavers do have big teeth, after all) but can’t seem to intervene.

    Thankfully, I wake up in the constrictor grip of a coiled sheet. My face is in the pillow, head angled slightly for air, arms folded in tingly flightless wings underneath me. Mid-morning sun pours through a clean window, helping me identify the guest room of a friend’s house.

    The dream comes back to me later, as I drive home from Deerwood. I ponder while I dodge Sunday traffic and warble along with Jimmy Buffett. The first part of the dream is easy—the setting was very similar to the front, upstairs room at the Schneider-Bulera House. While that name doesn’t exactly trip off the tongue, it does nicely honor the extended family that lived there from 1869 through 1987. The house has been a preoccupation for me lately, and to varying degrees for several years. An unsung landmark in St. Paul’s Uppertown neighborhood, it is notably old for buildings in this part of the world, which is all the more exceptional considering its unassuming appearance. This is a small wooden house that’s very rough around the edges, but that’s the beauty of it. This is not a rich person’s mansion, or a piece of monumental public architecture. The Schneider-Bulera House is a real family’s house—a home—that somehow wasn’t washed away by the tides of decades, turning to centuries, of ongoing transformations within a growing city. St. Paul was born through structures like this, and nearly all have vanished.

    I’m an archaeologist by training, and through my trade have acquired the habit of trying to look beneath the surface of pretty much everything. All landscapes are layers of stories, whether forest or prairie, rural or urban. For archaeologists, looking for what’s hidden in even the most boringly normal places eventually becomes an occupational hazard. Evidence is a vital aspect of archaeological research, as is provenience—the location and relationship in which objects are found. Like disturbing a crime scene, moving things around before the recording is done can result in an investigative dead end. In my dream, I was upset to realize that I’d been removing artifacts without recognizing their importance, and without proper documentation. This is an archaeologist’s version of dreaming that you’ve accidentally gone to school in your underwear.

    Normally one doesn’t excavate inside an extant building. The Schneider-Bulera House is different. It’s been on my mind more than usual lately because a good friend of mine, a fellow archaeologist, is rebuilding it, using archaeological methods to guide the process. Excavations are sometimes conducted to help rebuild destroyed buildings, but in this case the fabric of the structure itself is the subject of the investigation. This is a new approach to archaeology in Minnesota. The house is currently a shell, gutted and stabilized, thus exposing a myriad of clues about its mysterious origins. It’s a professional challenge too. Most of these clues are subtle at best, such as the way a saw was used to cut a joist, layers of ancient paint, the form of old iron nails, the dimensions of a splashboard and so on. The right eyes are needed to recognize, analyze, and interpret them.

    I met the Schneider-Bulera House in 1999, when I joined an archaeological dig in the backyard. The loneliness and disrepair of the place shrouded a rich history, which started edging into my imagination immediately. By afternoon, I was picking through a nest of mummified rats at the base of a fallen chimney, and decided that I wanted to live there. The house needed an owner. It had been unoccupied for more than a decade, and it fit my admittedly eccentric tastes. My attraction wasn’t the rats (although they were cool, and now are skeletonized in an archaeology lab). I think it might have been the charm of Uppertown, and the subtle role of this house in that strange brew of history.

    The excavations have illuminated the legacy of generations of children and noisy family life. The artifacts are the everyday objects of another time—a broken bone toothbrush, a cast-iron clothes iron, carriage parts, scraps of a German-language newspaper, shards of bottles and pottery, fragments of porcelain dolls and handmade marbles, buttons and cufflinks, pipe stems, fruit pits, nutshells, eggshells, and animal bones. A test pit outside the kitchen window produced dozens of chicken bones (feet in particular). One of the bottle fragments is embossed “DR KING’S NEW DISCOVERY FOR CONSUMPTION.”

  • Too Deep, Too Dark, Too Cold

    The gales of November still rage with controversy and treachery, as shipwrecks and their grisly cargo become the hot new tourist attraction.

    A beacon of light shines out from the tip of an eighty-mile stretch of shoreline known as Lake Superior’s Shipwreck Coast. It shines from the lighthouse at Whitefish Point, Michigan, over an area known as the Graveyard of Ships. It’s earned this moniker because more vessels have been lost there than in any other part of Lake Superior. In the graveyard, waves of biblical proportions are whipped up by roaring northwest winds carrying the power they’ve amassed over 160 miles of open water. Raging in from all directions, these murderous waves crash back from the shores with even greater ferocity. They are said to strike harder and more often than any saltwater wave. Brutal as hurricanes, but stealthier, these storms often catch sailors by surprise. Hundreds of ships, including the Edmund Fitzgerald, lie on the bottom of this bay and its vicinity. The Fitzgerald’s bell, recovered and restored, is now displayed at the Great Lakes Shipwreck Museum at Whitefish Point. And as the lore goes, the beacon at Whitefish Point has shone unfailingly for nearly a century and a half, except for the night when the Mighty Fitz went down.

    When my son was very small, he was mesmerized by water and fire. Among his first words were “boat” and “candle.” By the age of four, he had developed a fierce interest in all manner of watercraft, disasters, and horrible combinations of the two—in particular, the sinking of the Titanic.


    With my perhaps misguided support, my son’s fervor soon directed him to tragedies closer to home, and by the time he was five or six, he could do a crackerjack imitation of Fred Wolff, narrator of our worn-out copy of the cassette tape Stories of Lake Superior Shipwrecks, Volume I. Wolff, a professor emeritus at the University of Minnesota-Duluth, bears the sort of thick Minnesota accent you find only in the far north. On many a long drive during those sleep-deprived years, I relied on gas-station coffee to keep from being lulled blissfully to sleep at the wheel by the familiar drone of Wolff’s stories. My son, however, listened on the edge of his seat. What is it about shipwrecks that called so powerfully to this little boy? What is it about wrecks that pulls at him still, pulls at us all, in one way or another?

    Outside, late autumn rain and wind are ripping wet leaves from the trees in great batches, plastering them against the windshields of parked cars and onto the blackened city streets. Rivers of water rush down the gutters toward the sewer drains, begging to be dammed and diverted by schoolchildren in yellow slickers whose mothers watch anxiously from picture windows as October shudders to an end. It’s a nearly perfect backdrop for an enduring sea tale about a terrible witch and her legacy of destruction: the Witch of November, the scourge of our inland seas, who swallows ships whole, steals lives, and strands mourners helpless on the shore.

    From the SS Edmund Fitzgerald (whose November 10, 1975 sinking was made famous the world over by Gordon Lightfoot’s ballad), to the twenty ships and 250 lives lost in the “Big Blow” of November 1913, to the tragic wreck of the Daniel J. Morrell on November 29, 1966, which killed all but one man, left shivering in his shorts and pea coat, the Great Lakes have claimed as many as ten thousand ships and more than thirty thousand lives since the wreck of LaSalle’s Griffon in 1679. Encrypted in the sodden debris of these disasters is the story of our lives, literal and metaphorical, and for that we keep coming back to search.

    Most of us respond to the alluring and tragic call of the depths by diving only about as deep as the latest news accounts of recent underwater archaeological discoveries, or by renting Titanic. But a brazen and growing subculture of hardy souls respond more daringly, by plunging into the murky waters to explore the treasure troves of history firsthand. The intrepid few who love to dive have a remarkable single-mindedness for exploration and adventure. Some are brave—or crazy—enough to take on the frigid waters of Lake Superior. A few have even gone 556 feet below the surface of Superior to visit the final resting ground of the twenty-nine crewmen who lost their lives on the Edmund Fitzgerald, also known as the Queen of the Great Lakes, the Pride of the American Flag, the Mighty Fitz, the Titanic of the Great Lakes, and, posthumously, the most famous Great Lakes shipwreck of all time.

    Terrence Tysall is a Florida-based professional diver and instructor, and the founder of the Cambrian Foundation, which is dedicated to undersea research, preservation, and exploration. He’s been diving since the age of eight and has seen hundreds of wreck sites, including that of the Edmund Fitzgerald. The expedition to the Fitz was the brainchild of a Chicagoan named Mike Zee, who approached Tysall in the mid 1990s with the notion of conducting a scuba dive to the famous wreck. Although the site had been explored via submarine by a handful of others—including Jacques Cousteau’s son, Jean-Michel, in 1980—no one had ever attempted to take on the intense pressure and cold with just a dry suit and air tanks. “Too deep, too dark, too cold,” explained Tysall. But his dual love of history and the sea compelled him to pursue the proposal, and, in 1995, he and his companions became the first ever to scuba dive to the Edmund Fitzgerald. “It turned out to be my deepest dive,” Tysall said. “In fact, I think it’s still the deepest wreck dive by free-swimming scuba divers—but I’m not a big record guy. I think records cheapen things sometimes.” According to Sean Ley of the Great Lakes Shipwreck Museum in Sault Sainte Marie, Michigan, Tysall’s ’95 dive to the Fitzgerald was the first and the last to date. “It seems that everyone is respecting the wishes of the families,” said Ley, alluding to the wreck’s status as an underwater gravesite.

  • The Big Blow of 1913

    November is readily acknowledged as the stormiest month on the Great Lakes. Each year around the beginning of this steely month, over the largest bodies of fresh water in the world, two storm tracks converge. From the north bear down the Alberta Clippers, full of freezing polar air. From the lee slopes of the Rockies and across the prairie come the heavy, snow-laden fronts. When the storms hit the lakes, the cold air masses pass over waters that are still holding remnants of their summer warmth. The barometric pressure can plummet and the winds can whip up to hurricane force. Waves will build to over forty feet, and the sky is filled with rain, snow, and sleet.

    The measure of November storms is still the “Big Blow” of 1913. For four days, it engulfed all five of the Great Lakes, blasting in from the northwest as both gale and blizzard. On Superior, the Henry B. Smith disappeared off Marquette with all twenty-five hands. That wreck has never been found. On Lake Huron, 178 seamen were lost in eight separate wrecks, all with no survivors. The winds at the southern end of the lake whipped 640,000 cubic feet of sand across Port Huron canal, completely blocking passage. The captain of the steamer Argo declared that the storm blew his cargo of lumber into the sea “like toothpicks.” Twenty-two inches of snow fell on Cleveland and the winds across Lake Erie were so steady and strong that the lake was literally pushed eastward, dropping the level along the western shore by six feet.

    When the storm was over, twenty ships were lost and tens more were badly damaged. More than 250 men and women died. It was the deadliest storm on the Lakes.

  • The Wreck of the Edmund Fitzgerald

    When the Edmund Fitzgerald was launched in 1958, it was the largest ship to sail the Great Lakes. At 729 feet and able to haul more than 25,000 tons of iron ore, the freighter was dubbed “The Pride of the American Flag.” Year after year, the Fitzgerald hauled iron ore and taconite out of the Twin Ports, breaking records for tonnage along the way. But by 1975, the Fitzgerald was showing signs of age. A rigorous Coast Guard inspection in the spring of her last shipping season netted a seaworthy certification, but another routine inspection on October 31 revealed cracks in four topside cargo hatches. She was allowed to keep sailing, but repairs were ordered to take place prior to the start of the 1976 season.

    Capt. Ernest McSorley was also looking ahead to the next season. It would be his first year of retirement after forty-four years of sailing the Great Lakes and four seasons as master of the Fitzgerald. At sixty-two, he was a respected captain—both for his skill and for his will to keep to a tight schedule.

    On November 9, the Edmund Fitzgerald was embarking on its fortieth voyage of the season, hauling 26,116 tons of taconite from Superior Harbor to Detroit. Twenty-nine crewmen were aboard.

    The Fitz passed through the harbor channel at 2:20 p.m. in clear and relatively warm weather. Twenty minutes later, the National Weather Service posted a gale warning because of a storm system pushing up over Iowa, Minnesota, and Wisconsin.

    Two hours out of port, the Fitz sighted another freighter heading toward the east, the Arthur M. Anderson, a U.S. Steel ship mastered by Capt. Jesse Cooper. The Anderson was coming from Two Harbors. McSorley hailed the Anderson and the two captains agreed to travel together to the Soo Locks. The Fitzgerald, already fifteen miles ahead, would lead the way.

    By seven o’clock that evening, the National Weather Service was predicting forty-five-mile-an-hour winds and dangerous waves. The weather was quickly deteriorating. The prediction called for east to northeasterly winds during the night, shifting to northwest by the afternoon of November 10. At approximately 10:40 p.m., the forecast was revised to easterly winds becoming southeasterly the morning of November 10. By 1:00 a.m., the Fitzgerald was about twenty miles south of Isle Royale, confronted by heavy winds and ten-foot waves. At 2:00 a.m., the National Weather Service upgraded the gale warning to a storm warning with shifting sixty-mile-an-hour winds and fifteen-foot waves expected.

    About that time, the captains of the Anderson and Fitzgerald discussed the threatening weather and decided to change their route. Heading northward toward the coast of Canada would give them shelter from the expected eastern winds and heavy waves. The ships were already battling sixty-mile winds and torrential rain. Visibility was extremely poor.

    With the arrival of dawn, around the time that officials on land were issuing emergency warnings and school closings, the Edmund Fitzgerald reported its route change and an expected delay in arrival at the Soo Locks to the home office. Through the morning, the storm was gaining intensity, knocking out power across the Upper Peninsula and the Canadian coast.

    By 2:45 p.m., the winds had taken a significant turn. Now the storm was barreling out of the northwest, pushing up larger waves. The Anderson reported wind gusts over seventy miles an hour. The two ships had lost their land protection.

    The Coast Guard was calling on all ships to seek safe harbor. The captains decided to run south toward Whitefish Bay, their only hope for shelter. The Arthur Anderson was trailing faithfully sixteen miles behind as they approached Caribou Island. At 3:15, the Fitz rounded the island heading into the Six Fathom Shoal, a dangerous stretch where only thirty-six feet of water covered the jagged rocky bottom. Cooper followed the Fitzgerald’s progress on radar while crew members watched from the deck. As the Fitz slugged on, Morgan Clark, Cooper’s first mate, called out, “He sure looks like he’s in the shoal area.” Cooper replied, “He sure does. He’s in too close. He’s closer than I’d want this ship to be.”

    Around that time, McSorley radioed Cooper: “Anderson, this is the Fitzgerald. I have a fence rail down, two vents lost or damaged, and a list.” McSorley added that he was going to slow down so the Anderson could catch up. “Will you stay by me till I get to Whitefish?” Cooper replied, “Charlie on that, Fitzgerald. Do you have your pumps going?” McSorley replied, “Yes, both of them.”

    But the storm was only growing worse. The sea was pitching thirty to thirty-five foot waves. McSorley radioed the Anderson that the raging winds had ripped off the Fitzgerald’s radar antenna. A heavy snow began falling, obliterating Cooper’s view of the Fitzgerald’s lights dead ahead. Winds were gusting to ninety. The Fitz was taking on water faster than it could pump it out.

    At 4:30 p.m., the Fitz was seventeen miles from Whitefish Point. The lighthouse at the end of the rugged stretch of land would have been within view had the storm not knocked out both the radio beacon and light. Having already lost its radar and now with daylight fast slipping away, the Fitzgerald put a call out to any ship in the area for help in locating the Whitefish beacon.

    The Avafors, a Swedish ocean freighter in the vicinity, radioed McSorley the news of the missing signals. Around 6:00 p.m. the Avafors called again:


    Avafors:
    “Fitzgerald, this is the Avafors. I have the Whitefish light now but still am receiving no beacon. Over.”
    Fitzgerald: “I’m very glad to hear it.”

    Avafors:
    “The wind is really howling down here. What are the conditions where you are?”

    Fitzgerald:
    [Unintelligible shouts heard by the Avafors.] “Don’t let nobody on deck!”

    Avafors:
    “What’s that, Fitzgerald? Unclear. Over.”

    Fitzgerald:
    “I have a bad list, lost both radars. And am taking heavy seas over the deck. One of the worst seas I’ve ever been in.”

    Then at 7:10 p.m. the Anderson’s first mate, Clark, spoke to McSorley:


    Anderson:
    “Fitzgerald, this is the Anderson. Have you checked down?”

    Fitzgerald:
    “Yes, we have.”
    Anderson: “Fitzgerald, we are about ten miles behind you, and gaining about one and a half miles per hour. Fitzgerald, there is a target nineteen miles ahead of us. So the target would be nine miles on ahead of you.”

    Fitzgerald
    : “Well, am I going to clear?”

    Anderson:
    “Yes. He is going to pass to the west of you.”

    Fitzgerald:
    “Well, fine.”

    Anderson:
    “By the way, Fitzgerald, how are you making out with your problem?”

    Fitzgerald:
    “We are holding our own.”

    Anderson:
    “Okay, fine. I’ll be talking to you later.”

    But there would be no further conversations. Shortly after that, the Anderson was struck by two enormous waves in quick succession, plunging the ship’s bow into the water and hitting her hard enough to cause a heavy roll to the starboard side, damaging one of the lifeboats. Captain Cooper later reported, “I watched those two waves head down the lake toward the Fitzgerald, and I think those were the two that sent her under.”

    Ten minutes later the Fitzgerald disappeared from the Anderson’s radar. No distress signal went out. No lifeboats were launched. No life vests were donned.

  • The Wreck of the Madeira

    In late November 1905, one of the worst storms still on record overtook Lake Superior in what became known as the “Mataafa Blow.” Just north of Split Rock, the steamer William Edenborn struggled along the North Shore on its way to Duluth, towing behind it the Madeira, a massive 436-foot schooner-barge. As the winds swelled to sixty miles an hour, the two ships were pounded closer and closer to the dangerous rocks along the coast. Hoping to save his own ship, A.J. Talbot, the Edenborn’s captain, decided to cut the Madeira free, leaving it to drop anchor and ride out the storm on its own. The tow line was cut, at 3:30 in the morning of November 28, but it was too late for the Madeira to cast its anchors. Within minutes the ship began to reel about in the thirty-foot waves until it was smashed into the steep cliff walls of Gold Rock, an outcropping a few miles north of Split Rock.

    Immediately, the violent deluge began to tear the ship apart and threatened to engulf the ten men aboard. But one young crewman named Fred Benson leapt from the heaving ship onto a rocky ledge with a lifeline attached to his belt. In below-zero temperatures, and with towering waves smashing at his back, Benson somehow managed to climb the sixty-foot cliff. He secured his rope and cast it back to the three men trapped on the bow of the ship. Then Benson scrambled along the cliff edge to toss a second line to four sailors holding on at the stern. All seven were able to climb to safety. Only one man, the first mate, was drowned as the ship was dragged down into the icy depths.

    In all, thirty-six seamen were lost in the Mataafa storm, with twenty-nine ships wrecked or damaged. Benson was hailed as a hero in the regional press. To avoid costly improvements to ship construction or the burden of insuring their vessels, the leaders of the Great Lakes shipping industry—-one third of the ships damaged were owned by U.S. Steel—clamored for the government to install more lighthouses along the North Shore. In 1907, Congress appropriated the funds to erect Minnesota’s landmark Split Rock Lighthouse. For years the Madeira remained largely forgotten, until a Duluth diving club, “The Frigid Frogs,” rediscovered it in 1955. It was placed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1992. Today, the Minnesota Historical Society estimates the Madeira to be one of Lake Superior’s most popular underwater sites, with about 1,000 divers visiting each year.

  • Sole Survivor

    Back in 1966, Dennis Hale had been sailing for three years, all of them on the 580-foot freighter Daniel J. Morrell. The Morrell was in its sixtieth year, one of the oldest of the many freighters plying the Great Lakes. The ship had just finished its already long season, but when another freighter developed engine trouble, the Morrell was sent in to carry the load. It was late November.

    On the 29th, the Morrell rounded the thumb of Michigan and was hit by a Huron storm that pitched waves of twenty-five feet over its hull. At 2:00 a.m., Hale was awakened by a loud bang. At first he thought it was the anchor hammering against the bow, but when it came a second time he jumped out of bed and headed for the deck. Wearing only undershorts, a life vest, and a pea coat, he soon found himself standing in ice and water, clinging to the deck rail, and inching toward a lifeboat.

    The winds were blowing sixty-five miles per hour. Two flares went up from a group of men huddled at the stern, but they were unaware that a broken antenna had never allowed for a distress signal to go out. As Hale and thirteen of his fellow crewmen waited for their raft to float free, the Morrell suddenly heaved, twisted, and ripped in two. “I can still see the sparks and the tearing steel,” Hale remarked quietly from his home in Ashtabula, Ohio. “The next thing I knew, I was in the water. When I came to the surface, I saw a raft and swam over to it. By the time I got there, two other men had climbed aboard, and we then helped a fourth man on. It was freezing cold and snowing. All I could do was hang on. The storm was over by 5:00 a.m., but by then, two of the men were already dead. The other one died later on.” Throughout that long day no sign of rescue came in sight. “I didn’t expect to make it. For the last twenty-four hours I was more or less just waiting to die. When you’re in a situation like that you don’t care. You just want it to end. It wasn’t important anymore.”

    After thirty-eight hours in the raft, Hale was found and rescued by a Coast Guard helicopter. His ankle was broken and his feet were frostbitten, but otherwise, he had sustained only minor injuries. His lack of clothing had actually been a blessing; had he been covered in freezing wet pants, like his shipmates, hypothermia would have set in and, inevitably, he too would have met his end. “That amazes me still,” he said.

    Of the Morrell’s twenty-nine-man crew, Hale was the sole survivor. In fact, Dennis Hale is the only man to have survived a modern Great Lakes shipwreck. “That makes me kind of an odd person, I guess,” he said, brightening. “There’s got to be some reason I survived. Maybe I’m supposed to give others hope. Maybe hearing my story inspires people. I talk at these shipwreck conferences.” He’s done eight this past year and has four more to go. “People are real interested. It puts a shift in their perspective.”

    In 1999, after twenty-three years on dry land, Dennis Hale accepted an offer to sail out on Lake Huron. “It took a long time to accept the invitation. It was a beautiful June day, but I still had to really think about it.”

  • Stranded On Third

    I feel like throwing up: Willie Mays is screaming at me. He’s slammed the brakes on, and his sports car is screeching to a halt, and he is throwing me out. I feel nauseated, even though I’m perfectly aware of the fact that the “Say Hey Kid” of yore has famously turned into the Say Hey Asshole of bitter ex-athletes, and even though I’ve been warned to expect an unsettling, possibly random dressing-down. One just doesn’t expect Mays to go to Defcon Five at the mere mention of Ray “Hooks” Dandridge, his Mr. Chips roommate with the minor league Minneapolis Millers in 1951.

    A legend in the Jim Crow Negro Leagues, Dandridge had mentored Mays and several other young black men half a century ago as they tried to make the transition up one notch to the majors and the New York Giants, the last stop after their Minneapolis farm team. Tragically, Dandridge, still worthy then of several good years in the major leagues, would be cheated out of even one at-bat in the big time. Still, he had such an effect on the naïve and yet-unspoiled Mays that Willie showed up at Cooperstown in 1987 when Hooks, by then an ancient pensioner, was finally elected to the National Baseball Hall of Fame.

    Sadly, few had actually seen Dandridge’s magical work in the field and at the plate with segregated teams—long-forgotten clubs with names like the Nashville Elite Giants and Newark Eagles that had operated in the shadows of American sport since the early 1900s. “Ray Dandridge helped me tremendously when I came through Minneapolis,” Mays said the day Ray was inducted, uncharacteristically charitable for a superstar never known to speak kindly about other players. “You just can’t overlook those things. Ray was a part of me.”

    Years later, Mays drives his Porsche with “SAY HEY” vanity license plates through Scottsdale, Arizona, from the San Francisco Giants training camp, where he shows up each spring as a promotional gimmick. This reporter innocently opines, “Too bad the Giants never brought Ray up to the majors, huh? After four years starring in Minneapolis you’d think…”

    Mays slams on the brakes. “You saying it’s the Giants fault?” he begins yelling. “You see what it says here on my chest?” He points to the team’s name on the uniform he’s still wearing. “What kind of trouble are you trying to make for me?”

    “None, I mean, you saw how great Ray was…”

    “You saying it’s my fault Mr. Stoneham never called him up?” Mays harangues, his tires screeching to a stop. “Get out! I’ve changed my mind, I don’t want you around here!”

    Though he was only berating a shlumpy reporter, it was a sentiment the late Horace Stoneham, owner of the late New York Giants, might as well have communicated to the great Ray Dandridge, languishing 50 years ago in Minneapolis.

  • The Minnesota Model—Unglued

    After more than 50 years at center stage in American politics and government, Minnesota has been relegated to the supporting cast in the nation’s capitol at the beginning of the 21st century. The North Star State’s once-impressive Washington presence has dwindled. A host of nationally prominent figures of both parties who have played leading roles in all three branches of government pass from the scene.

    Consider: Since 1948, Minnesota has given the nation two vice presidents and two Democratic presidential nominees; two other serious presidential hopefuls, including the standard bearer of the Vietnam anti-war movement; two secretaries of Agriculture, a secretary of Commerce and a secretary of Labor; a Chief Justice of the United States and an Associate Justice; a Director of Central Intelligence; a White House economic adviser, an executive editor of the Washington Post who became U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations; a host of powerful Congressmen and top federal bureaucrats; and, more recently, the nation’s most visible governor.

    Minnesota’s disproportionate influence on American politics and government is a thing of the past, and not likely to be restored soon. This realization was underscored by several events in recent months: Paul Wellstone’s death, Walter Mondale’s defeat, and the passing of two other legends of Minnesota politics.

    For Mondale, who followed his mentor Hubert Humphrey into the vice presidency in 1976, eight years after Humphrey had left it, his failed attempt to return to the Senate in 2002 was a stinging defeat that marked not only the end of his long and distinguished political career, but the end of an era for the once-dominant Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party.

    It all began with Humphrey’s electrifying civil rights speech at the 1948 Democratic National Convention, in which he urged his party “to get out of the shadow of states’ rights and walk forthrightly into the bright sunshine of human rights.” Humphrey’s speech helped Harry Truman achieve one of the greatest upsets in American political history in the 1948 presidential election, and launched Humphrey on a path that took him from the Senate to the vice presidency and ultimately to an agonizingly narrow loss to Richard Nixon 20 years later.

    If Humphrey’s defeat and Mondale’s landslide loss to Ronald Reagan in the 1984 presidential campaign, and again to Coleman last year, were signs of Minnesota’s declining influence in national Democratic politics, other recent events show that it’s not just Minnesota’s Democrats whose national influence has declined in recent years: Witness the retirement in January of iconoclastic Independent Gov. Jesse Ventura; the deaths in February of former Governor and U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Orville Freeman, and Republican Congressman Clark MacGregor; and the outbreak of public protests against the war in Iraq in March without the open support of a single elected official. (Never mind Wellstone as the sole opponent of the Gulf War in ’91. Anyone remember Eugene McCarthy? In fact, when McCarthy returned in late March to his alma mater, Saint John’s University in Collegeville, most students had no idea who he was.)

    The names of those who held Minnesota’s banner high and helped shape contemporary American history are legion. In addition to Humphrey, Mondale, McCarthy, Freeman, MacGregor, and Wellstone, they include Congressman and Secretary of Agriculture Bob Bergland; House Public Works Committee Chairman John Blatnik, Congressman and Gov. Albert Quie; House Ways and Means Committee member William Frenzel, and Congressman and Minneapolis Mayor Donald Fraser; U.S. Chief Justice Warren Burger and Associate Justice Harry Blackmun, who wrote the landmark 1973 abortion decision that still roils the political waters; White House economic adviser Walter Heller; CIA Director William Colby; Assistant Secretary of State and Carnegie Endowment President Thomas Hughes; State Department Inspector General Howard Haugerud; U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations (and former executive editor of the Washington Post) Russell Wiggins. Each of these political giants is either dead, or fully retired from public service.

    No other state, except perhaps California, Texas, and Massachusetts, had a higher profile during this period. Can Minnesota regain its national prominence? Not likely. I offer that judgment from the perspective of a native son who has reported on all these Minnesotans, and worked for one of them—Vice President Mondale—during 38 years in Washington. In October 1965, the St. Paul Dispatch and Pioneer Press assigned me to its Washington bureau. Since then, I have served as a Washington correspondent for the St. Paul and Duluth newspapers, press secretary for Vice President Mondale, adviser to the founder of Control Data Corporation, William C. Norris, and as founding editor of The Hill, a newspaper that has covered Congress since 1994.

    Although it is tempting to focus on the contributions of Minnesota’s name-brand DFL power brokers, the state has had its fair share of influential Republicans and Independents. In fact, getting past party affiliations helps explain what, exactly, made Minnesota the player it was for half a century.

    Although each of our great public servants was vastly different from the others in political outlook and personal style, all embodied the essential elements of what has been called “the Minnesota model,” a kind of political franchise that has played well on the national stage and has served to reinforce the positive image of Minnesota’s political system in the minds of many Americans dating back to at least 1947.

    That’s the year author and historian John Gunther, in his classic book Inside USA, devoted an entire chapter to former Governor Harold Stassen and described the origins of Minnesota’s social, political, and economic system. Stassen, a moderate Republican who was only 31 when elected in 1938, wasn’t destined for the White House as Gunther anticipated (in a chapter entitled “Stassen—Young Man Going Somewhere”). Instead, “the boy governor” resigned in 1943 to join the Navy, then served on the U.S. delegation to the 1945 San Francisco conference that created the United Nations.

    Hoping to parlay that prestigious appointment into even greater things, Stassen undertook a series of futile campaigns for the presidency in 1948 and 1952—and well into the 1980s—that made his name synonymous with unbridled and unrealistic political ambition. Stassen turned out to be too liberal for the party that would soon be dominated by Southern and Western conservatives. Nevertheless, the reform-minded politician left a legacy of good government and corruption-free politics with which Minnesota is still widely identified. In 1947, Gunther knew something was going on here. “Minnesota is a state spectacularly varied, proud, handsome and progressive,” he wrote. “It is a state pulled toward East and West both, and one always eager to turn the world upside down.”